{"id":373,"date":"2018-07-19T09:34:32","date_gmt":"2018-07-19T08:34:32","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/ensovoort.com\/?p=373"},"modified":"2018-07-19T09:34:32","modified_gmt":"2018-07-19T08:34:32","slug":"royce-kurmelovs-oor-australiese-politiek","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"http:\/\/ensovoort.co.za\/index.php\/2018\/07\/19\/royce-kurmelovs-oor-australiese-politiek\/","title":{"rendered":"Royce Kurmelovs oor Australiese politiek"},"content":{"rendered":"

Resensie-essay deur Leon Lemmer
\nVroe\u00ebr vanjaar was Australi\u00eb plaaslik polities in die nuus toe een van sy ministers die mening uitgespreek het dat daar voorkeur aan Suid-Afrikaanse boere as immigrante gegee behoort te word. Hierdie uitlating is in Afrikanergeledere verwelkom en voorspelbaar deur die ANC-regering verdoem. Uiteindelik was daar \u2018n aanduiding dat in die buiteland amptelik kennis van die benarde situasie van Suid-Afrikaanse blankes geneem word. Wat ek my afgevra het, is: Waarom nou eers en waarom \u2018n respons van net \u2018n enkele land?* Waar is die reaksie van die baie ander lande wat luidrugtig en vol gewetenswroeging teen rassediskriminasie en apartheid te velde getrek het? Waarom nie die huidige (wraaksugtige) rassediskriminasie deur die ANC-regering veroordeel nie?
\n\"\"<\/a>[* Hongarye bied dalk ook \u2018n heenkome aan blanke Suid-Afrikaanse vlugtelinge. Die Visegrad-lande (Hongarye, Pole, Tsjeggi\u00eb, Slowakye) verset hulle teen die massa-immigrasie uit die Midde-Ooste, Ooste en Afrika wat Europa oorspoel. Die Europese Unie (EU), onder die leiding van Duitsland en Frankryk, verwag dat alle EU-lande volgens kwotas hierdie \u201cvlugtelinge\u201d moet inneem. Die Hongaarse eerste minister, Viktor Orban, het in 2016 ges\u00ea: \u201cHungary would open its door to \u2018true refugees\u2019 \u2013 those from Western Europe fleeing the breakdown of their societies\u201d (Julian Langness, Identity rising<\/i>, St Paul: ES Linden, 2017, 337p; Amazon Kindle $1.14, 3003). As Europe\u00ebrs kwalifiseer blanke Suid-Afrikaners moontlik ook. Maar om Hongaarse burgerskap te bekom, sal dit maar bars gaan om Hongaars, \u2018n nie-Euro\/Indo-Germaanse taal, baas te raak.]
\nSoos in Amerika en Brittanje is daar tradisioneel twee groot politieke partye in Australi\u00eb. In die regering wissel die Arbeidersparty en die Liberale Party (in koalisie met die Nasionale Party) mekaar af. Die Arbeidersparty is links en die Liberale Party en Nasionale Party regs van die sentrum. Soos in Amerika en Brittanje het die tradisioneel duidelike onderskeid tussen die twee hoofpartye gedurende die afgelope dekades vervaag. \u201cThe Libs never gave a damn about ordinary people, while Labor have given up their blue-collar roots\u201d (Royce Kurmelovs, Rogue nation: Dispatches from Australia\u2019s populist uprisings and outsider politics<\/i>, Sydney: Hachette, 2017, 272p; Amazon Kindle $14.02, 1789). \u201cLabor has largely abandoned the bottom 30 per cent to pursue the aspirational middle ever since 1996\u201d (3117). Daar is ook talle kleiner politieke partye* en \u201conafhanklikes\u201d wat koalisievennote in die sentrale (of federale) regering of in die ses staatsregerings kan wees. Kurmelovs verwys na \u201cthe deeper sickness within the major parties\u201d (3048).
\n[* Daar is bv die United Patriots Front (UPF): \u201cAmong the loose constellation of extreme groups which make up Reclaim Australia, the UPF were the most militant. They were fascist in the plainest sense of the word\u201d (2305). Kurmelovs gebruik die term \u201cfascis\u201d glad te graag as hy iemand wil slegs\u00ea \u2013 kyk hier onder.]
\nDie kernprobleem wat die kiesers al hoe meer met die politiek het, is die politici. Die politici is dikwels kansvatters wat nie die mas in die openbare sektor kan opkom nie en hulle dan tot die politiek wend, wat buitensporige vergoeding en byvoordele bied, terwyl geen bewys van formele kwalifikasies of prestasie vereis word nie. Nigel Farage het as leier van die United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) bekendheid verwerf. Hy s\u00ea: \u201cPeople are not disenchanted with politics. They are disconnected from the politically-correct carer class of politicians. Just look at them. It is like a game. They are all fighting desperately to hold the middle ground. They are made up of focus-groupies, triangulators, dog-whistlers, politicians who daren\u2019t say what they really mean. And we [UKIP] are different from that. We stand up and tell it like it is and whether people agree with it or nor at least they know where we stand \u2026 and I\u2019m proud of that\u201d ( Matthew Lynn, Independently minded: The rise of Nigel Farage<\/i>, Endeavor Press, 2014, 67p; Amazon Kindle $4.59, 73).
\nUKIP \u201cis an uprising against a professional, managerial class of politicians, and against the alliance of big business and big government that is not only estranged from ordinary people, but increasingly doesn\u2019t seem to care much about them either\u201d (91). \u201cDemocracies had been hi-jacked by professional politicians, creating a network of parties, think-tanks, bureaucracies, lobbyists and political correspondents that talked mainly to each other and for whom politics was really just a career rather than a calling\u201d (651). Die Europese Unie, volgens Farage, \u201chas been captured by a bureaucracy, which has put its own survival above any other objective\u201d (508). \u201cUKIP became the protest party, the anti-system party\u201d (690).
\n\u201cFarage is well aware that campaigning as an anti-politician is a big part of his appeal\u201d (708). YouTube word beskryf as \u201cthe single most important factor in the rise of [UKIP]\u201d (381). Farage het 100 000 volgelinge op Twitter (385). Die naam Reclaim Australia is eintlik dieselfde as UKIP se slagspreuk: \u201cWe want our country back\u201d (86). \u201cWithdrawing from Europe [is] a way of re-claiming [British] sovereignty and the power to make decisions locally\u201d (809). Al hoe meer Australi\u00ebrs eis hulle land terug omdat hulle voel dat die blanke inwoners deur nie-wit immigrante uit Asi\u00eb en Afrika verswelg word.
\nDie inkrimping van die tradisioneel groot politieke partye in Australi\u00eb en die opkoms van kleiner partye en die verkiesing van onafhanklikes bring mee dat koalisies gevorm moet word voordat daar \u2018n regering kan wees. In hierdie situasie \u201cthe country independents became kingmakers\u201d (Kurmelovs 1576). In koalisie maak hulle dit vir die groter partye moontlik om \u2018n regering te vorm, wat beteken \u201cpower is a cooperative relationship\u201d (1616). \u201cWith the trend towards government by coalition and a persistently fractured Senate, populists are powerful. Each represents a regional blend on the same general theme, operates on the same basic principles, and will often work with each other at the expense of the major parties. They are, in a manner of speaking, a decentralised, emergent political party\u201d (3031). As gevolg van die moontlikheid van koalisievorming \u201cvoting for a minor party or independent candidate is a lottery, as there\u2019s no way of knowing where your vote will end up. This may be true, but then politics itself has never been a perfectly rational process\u201d (3053).
\nIn opvolging van my artikel oor Chinese indringing in Australi\u00eb en elders (Praag 16.06.2018<\/a>) het ek Kurmelovs se boek gelees. Daarin word na \u201cthe Asian Invasion\u201d van Australi\u00eb verwys (1341). Dit gaan nie net om immigrante nie, maar ook om vlugtelinge, wat nie net om politieke redes gevlug het nie, maar dikwels eerder om ekonomiese redes. Die boek word geadverteer as \u201cessential reading about Australian politics.\u201d Die outeur is \u2018n joernalis wat eerstehandse kennis van die Australiese politiek het. Sy invalshoek is die tans reeds geykte verbandlegging tussen drie verskynsels: die verkiesing van Donald Trump as Amerika se president in 2016,* die 2016-referendum-uitslag wat die uittrede van Brittanje uit die Europese Unie tot gevolg gaan h\u00ea (Brexit), asook politieke populisme,** wat die vorm van anti-elitisme kan aanneem. Hierdie drie verskynsels word as \u2018n verskuiwing na regs vertolk. Die volgende is \u2018n onmiskenbare hoewel versluierde anti-Trump-verwysing: \u201cWhat had happened to us, and the rest of the world, when fear-mongers and conspiracy nuts were suddenly put in charge of nuclear codes and the national budget?\u201d (91).
\n[* Trump se verkiesing is in Australi\u00eb onder meer verwelkom as \u201cthe \u2018beginning of the Western spring\u2019, a reference to the Arab Spring that toppled autocratic regimes across the Middle East\u201d (1465).
\n** \u201cPopulism \u2026 is radical democracy and a by-product of neglect or indifference by the status quo. It works by taking different interests and binding them together against a common enemy, a coalition of the underdogs united, despite the traditional antagonisms or apparent contradictions between them, along a clear overarching theme\u201d (3015). \u201cPopulism in itself isn\u2019t a bad thing, but it\u2019s what you combine it with that makes it potent. Mixed with the left, it focuses on those with money and power. Blended with the right, it takes aim at immigrants, refugees and enemies of the nation. Keep it in the centre and everyone ends up unsatisfied. Put it in a coalition and its worst impulses are tempered, allowing it to do some good by pushing for reform in those area that sorely need it. Give it majority rule, things can turn ugly\u201d (3020) \u2013 bv die ANC se mobilisering van anti-blanke sentiment.]
\nKurmelovs se teks het by my van meet af dieselfde indruk as Gabri\u00ebl Botma se boek, Polemieke <\/i>(Praag 7.04.2018<\/a>), gewek \u2013 dat Kurmelovs eerder links as regs neig en hy sy politieke oortuigings, soos Botma, grootliks terughou tot kort voor die einde van sy boek. Die leser word op \u2018n rit op \u2018n jollielorrie (\u201cband wagon\u201d) van aktualiteit geneem, wat veraangenaam word deur goed geformuleerde, vloeiende teks. Die outeur het baie van die inligting tydens veldwerk op die Australiese platteland versamel \u2013 nie in die stede waar die politici by voorkeur vertoef nie \u2013 wat uiteraard die waarde van die boek verhoog. Kurmelovs verwys na \u2018n spesifieke politikus wat hy beskryf as \u201ca walking stereotype, an embodiment of the way city folk see country people\u201d (1506), wat by daardie politikus sekerlik \u2018n skeut vooroordele en wanvoorstellings insluit. Die oorgrote meerderheid Australi\u00ebrs is stadsbewoners.
\nDie saambindende faktor in die teks is Pauline Hanson (gebore in 1954), \u201can iconic Australian brand\u201d (202) en die leier van die politieke party One Nation. Sedert 2016 is sy en drie van haar partygenote senatore in die federale parlement in Canberra. One Nation is soos volg gekarakteriseer: \u201cWe are a predominantly working-class nationalist party \u2013 what some may call a \u2018right wing\u2019 workers\u2019 party\u201d (1407) \u2013 dus nie aan dieselfde kant as die Arbeidersparty nie. \u201cWhat makes us a \u2018workers\u2019 party\u2019 is that the membership and support base of One Nation is made up of often poorly paid, hardworking Aussies whose basic decency, quiet patriotism, strong moral compass and fierce work ethic define them as the heart and soul of our nation\u201d (1413). Wat hieruit afgelei kan word, is dat One Nation se ondersteuners blankes is. Een van hulle huldig die volgende menings: \u201cI\u2019m not against immigration, we\u2019ve had good people come into this country before. They didn\u2019t live on handouts. I\u2019m here [at a One Nation meeting] to stand for Australian values our forefathers fought for and to see that the Australian lifestyle, culture and laws that we have always known, carry on into the future\u201d (2276).
\nKurmelovs skryf: \u201cOnce Trump had gone global, all it would take was one heartfelt lie in a post-fact universe [or \u201cpost-truth politics\u201d \u2013 468]* for One Nation to sweep through those areas of the country that were so cynical, so withdrawn, they would turn the whole system on its head\u201d (180). \u201cOne Nation shared its name with the title of a speech Don Watson had written for Labor prime minister Paul Keating [1991-1996], and she barnstormed the country to spread the word\u201d (240).
\n[* Trump \u201cwas just the biggest, loudest voice engaging in \u2018post-fact\u2019 or \u2018post-truth\u2019 politics\u201d (1330). Naas die geykte etiket \u201cracist\u201d is \u201cpost-fact\u201d en \u201cpost-truth\u201d die nuwe terme waarmee konserwatiewes slegges\u00ea word as daar nie van hulle regse politiek gehou word nie. Maar Trump is eerder nasionalisties as regs.]
\nIn die Wikipedia-artikel oor Hanson (waarvan Kurmelovs ruimskoots gebruik maak, veral in hoofstuk 2) word genoem dat sy van rassisme beskuldig word omdat sy gekant teen Asiate en swart Afrikane as immigrate is. Sy het swart Afrikane met die toename in misdaad in Australi\u00eb verbind. Sy verwerp multikulturalisme en het haar gevolglik die verwyt van xenofobie\/vreemdelingehaat op die hals gehaal. Sy het dit veral teen Moslems as immigrante. \u201cWe are in danger of being swamped by Muslims who bear a culture and ideology that is incompatible with our own.\u201d Hanson het die owerheidsbevoordeling van die inheemse Australi\u00ebrs (\u201cAboriginals\u201d en die \u201cTorres Strait Islanders\u201d)* bo ander Australi\u00ebrs as die uitdrukking van politieke korrektheid gekarakteriseer en dit as omgekeerde rassediskriminasie veroordeel.
\n[* In die Amerikaanse idioom noem Kurmelovs hierdie twee groepe \u201cFirst Nations\u201d (2965). Wie eerste op \u2018n plek was, word deesdae polities byderwets beklemtoon, bv die Khoi-San in Suidelike Afrika. Van groter belang, myns insiens, is wat die verskillende etniese groepe tot stand gebring het. Die Torres-seestraat is tussen Australi\u00eb en Papoea-Nieu-Guinee. Soos die ANC het albei die genoemde Australiese inboorlinggroepe hulle eie vlae, wat in die Wikipedia besigtig kan word. In Suid-Afrika mag ons vorige landsvlag eintlik nie meer vertoon word nie en ons vorige volkslied verkieslik nie gesing word nie. Ek dink Afrikaners behoort (soos Steve Hofmeyr) onge\u00efntimideerd voort te gaan met die sing van die pragtige \u201cDie Stem\u201d, want daarop kan kwalik verbeter word. Die vorige landsvlag was egter \u2018n kompromie waarop verbeter kan\/moet word, bv deur die Britse vlag weg te laat. Ek dink die tyd is ryp vir die ontwerp, bekendstelling en daarna die deurlopende en wydverspreide openbare vertoon van \u2018n Afrikanervlag. As \u2018n Australiese inboorlinggroep \u2018n eie vlag kan h\u00ea, dan sekerlik ook die Afrikaners. Dit kan (aanvanklik) as \u2018n kulturele eerder as \u2018n staatkundige vlag gebruik word, bv die VOC-vlag (my broer se voorstel) of die Prinsenvlag (Dan Roodt se voorstel). Afbeeldings van albei verskyn in die Wikipedia.]
\nHanson beskou globalisering en ander polities byderwetse standpunte as \u2018n bedreiging vir Australi\u00ebrs se identiteit. In Australi\u00eb is daar \u2013 soos (veral voorheen) in Brittanje en Europa \u2013 in politieke geledere wydverspreide onwilligheid om te erken dat bv immigrant-ingevoerde multikulturaliteit probleme veroorsaak. Maar dink aan Enoch Powell (1912-1998) wat in Brittanje \u2018n vroe\u00eb stem roepende in \u2018n woestyn van ontkenning was (Praag 30 April 2016<\/a>). In die hoofstroom-inligtingsmedia in Australi\u00eb is daar sterk teenkanting teen Hanson se idees; dermate dat sy en haar partygenote verplig voel om hierdie media te vermy en hulle eerder tot die sosiale media te wend.
\n\u201cWhen people start to worry about their future, they start to look for alternatives\u201d (163). Dit is sekerlik die stadium waarin Afrikaners behoort te wees. Aan die begin maak Kurmelovs dit duidelik dat sy boek nie oor die politieke hoofstroom handel nie maar oor alternatiewe (69). \u201cI did not want to write it from the perspective of the major parties \u2026 Instead, my book would be told from the perspective of the rogues and the strays who are now sitting in parliament\u201d (91) \u2013 vandaar die boektitel. Hy beskou sy boek as \u201ca field report on the health of our democracy,* asking why politics seemed to be unable to see the barbarians coming until they were storming the gate\u201d (79). Di\u00e9 formulering is (dalk) doelbewus dubbelsinnig. Word met daardie \u201cbarbare\u201d die hedendaagse multikulturele stroom immigrante bedoel wat regse politici tot verset motiveer of verwys \u201cbarbare\u201d na die al hoe groter aanhang wat regse politieke partye, bv One Nation, by die kiesers geniet?
\n[* Democracy functions when the losing side of an election continues to see their quality of life get better, despite the result\u201d (2993). In hierdie sin is daar in die nuwe Suid-Afrika nie \u2018n funksionerende demokrasie nie.]
\nDie persepsie bestaan dat immigrante werksgeleenthede van Australiese burgers ontneem. Hanson \u201cwas someone who preyed on the hopes and frustrations of working-class and country people\u201d (85). \u201cHanson drew her support from women, the elderly, those without university qualifications and those in trades \u2013 who were all angry at the government\u201d (3004). Kurmelovs wou eerstehands kennis met regse politici en hulle ondersteuners maak. \u201cIf I wanted to understand something [! \u2013 not someone\/somebody] like Pauline Hanson with any real clarity, if I wanted to know what the hell happened out there<\/i>, I had to be out there with the rest of them\u201d (101).
\nDie verwagting dat Hillary Clinton in 2016 tot Amerikaanse president verkies sou word, word \u2018n \u201ccollective delusion\u201d genoem (118). Trump het die frase \u201cdrain the swamp\u201d effektief in sy verkiesingsveldtog gebruik (147, 455) om te illustreer hoe van ongewenste dinge ontslae geraak moet word, net soos \u2018n moeras sonder water nie muskiete\/peste kan huisves nie. Trump het dieselfde woorde as voorgangers soos Ronald Reagan en Pat Buchanan gebruik. Maar selfs in die Wikipedia-artikel is daar geen blyke dat Benito Mussolini dieselfde frase vir politieke doeleindes benut het deur na die Poltine-moeras in Itali\u00eb te verwys nie. Die volgende uitlating het my aan die ANC-regering herinner wat veral blankes, maar eintlik almal wat nie swart Afrikane is nie, vervreem en nogtans van nasiebou praat: \u201cThese days, they\u2019re on about \u2018Nation Building\u2019 \u2026 But it\u2019s a pie chart, not people. It\u2019s figures in a book, not people\u201d (1838).
\nHanson het verwag dat Australi\u00eb dieselfde koersverandering sou ondergaan as wat deur Trump en Brexit gesimboliseer word (281). Sy bewonder ook Vladimir Poetin se leierskap (2872). Daar is myns insiens heelwat onderliggende distansi\u00ebring, selfs vyandigheid, van Kurmelovs in die volgende twee aanhalings oor One Nation: \u201cThis [2016] was a turning point. Until then, the party had been a small but fanatical movement of Australian nationalists, each chasing their own unique vision of an Australia that no longer existed.* Then, it was a protectionist party, of the \u2018Buy Australian\u2019 variety. Now, it was hard-wiring itself into international networks of climate-change deniers and obscure ideological driven think tanks. In other words, One Nation was now speaking with an American accent\u201d (310). \u201cAfter all, she [Hanson] had done it first, before Brexit, before Trump, all the way back in \u201996. She had championed a bizarre [?] ethno-nationalism before the internet helped similar groups network their way across the planet, and it had made her one of the most recognisable Australians \u2026 No, she was no Trump, but they were cut from the same cloth\u201d (337).
\n[* Kurmelovs verwys hierna as \u201cthe poisonous nostalgia that has helped Hanson rise again\u201d (3004). In Suid-Afrika word polities byderwets van Afrikaners verwag om nie nostalgies oor die verlede te wees nie. Sodanige nostalgie sou misplaas wees slegs as die hede beter is as wat die verlede was.]
\n\u201cOne Nation\u2019s rise or fall depended on their ability to \u2018professionalise\u2019 in the way Marine Le Pen, daughter of French fascist Jean-Marie Le Pen, had done for her father\u2019s party when she forced him out and took control\u201d (1106). Hanson, anders as Marine le Pen, \u201cwill never become prime minister\u201d (3031) omdat Hanson nie van dieselfde stoffasie as Marine le Pen is nie. Hanson se opgang, ondergang en terugkeer in die politiek herinner eerder aan \u201cthe dotcom bubble in the late nineties\u201d (1202). \u2018n Ondersteuner s\u00ea: Hanson \u201csaid a lot of things he agreed with, a lot of things he thought other people were too afraid to say\u201d (2699). Maar daar is blykbaar nie genoeg onderliggende substansie en sigbare finesse by Hanson nie. Die toespraak van Hanson wat Kurmelovs in besonderhede aanhaal (2799), klink goed beredeneerd, maar die vraag is of sy dit geskryf het. Dit is kommerwekkend dat daar in One Nation nie \u2018n plaasvervanger vir Hanson te bespeur is nie. Haar partygenote word \u201cPauline Hanson-lite\u201d genoem (1929). Hanson het aanvanklik te vroeg met haar goeie idees op die politieke terrein verskyn. Noudat daardie idees al hoe meer aanvaarding verwerf, lyk dit asof Hanson en One Nation nie oor die vaardighede beskik om werklik \u2018n deurbraak te maak nie. Maar juis omdat daardie idees aanvanklik onbekend of ongewild was, is dit onaanvaarbaar om hulle sonder meer as populisties te etiketteer.
\nIn die laaste hoofstuk wys Kurmelovs openlik sy ware politieke kleure. Hy besoek die vis- en skyfieswinkel wat Hanson voor haar loopbaan as politikus in Ipswich bedryf het, asof dit noodwendig \u2018n ongunstige assosiasie moet wees. Die outeur verlekker hom oor die feit dat Vi\u00ebnamese nou die besigheid besit, dus Asiatiese immigrante waarteen Hanson gekant is: \u201cI \u2026 soak in the glorious irony of a Vietnamese refugee family taking over a chip shop once owned by the woman who raised her voice over fears about \u2018being swamped by Asians\u2019 and hordes of boat people\u201d (2941). Kurmelovs noem daardie sake-onderneming sonder meer \u201cthe birthplace of Australian fascism\u201d (2941). D\u00edt kom van Kurmelovs wat Marine le Pen se National Front-party (onlangs hernoem as Rassemblement National\/National Rally) sommer ook as \u201cfascism rebranded\u201d karakteriseer (3111).
\n\u201cHanson worked this joint [the fish and chips shop], hers was an ant\u2019s-eye view of the world, with all the limits and constraints and distortions that entails. Everything seems bigger with that perspective. Everything makes you afraid. The newpaper headlines seem louder, so too does the television\u201d (2959). Die armoede, onsekerheid en onvergenoegdheid wat Kurmelovs op die Australiese platteland te\u00ebgekom het, bly egter \u2018n werklikheid wat nie ontken kan word nie. In hierdie opsig het Hanson nie verkeerd nie. \u201cEconomic problems, after all, are felt as cultural problems. Class may frame an issue, but race contours or deepens it. Social media then transmits the result\u201d (2976).
\nHanson word beskryf as \u201ca product of random chance that has rewritten the rule book\u201d (3059). \u201cWithout her name, One Nation is nothing\u201d (3105). \u201cNo amount of data \u2026 could have predicted that one racist letter to a Brisbane newspaper would have triggered a series of events that saw Pauline Hanson pushed onto the national stage, leading to a fundamental restructering of the right in Australian politics with long-term consequences for issues as diverse as Aboriginal land rights, refugee policy and even climate change\u201d (3070). \u201cShe is a woman of broad strokes, with an aggressive, short-term, transactional approach to politics and an intuitive feel for exploiting people\u2019s arrogrance, anger and hurt, all in the right place, at the write time\u201d (3082). \u201cThe people who vote One Nation \u2026 may not believe half of what Hanson says, if they\u2019re being honest, but that is not the point. All that matters is that she connects, on some level, with their frustration, their resentment, their need to be recognised as clued in to what\u2019s \u2018really going on\u2019, and that she seems to scare the living hell out of the bastards. The louder the outrage, the sweeter the sound\u201d (3093).
\nOor die genoemde \u201cracist letter\u201d skryf Kurmelovs: \u201cHanson penned a letter to the editor of the Queensland Times <\/i>on 6 January 1996, complaining that white deaths in custody were being overlooked and Indigenous people were being \u2018showered with money’\u201d(213). Sy was toe \u2018n lid van die Liberale Party. Van 1994 tot 1995 was sy \u2018n stadraadslid vir Ipswich. In 1996, toe haar brief gepubliseer is, was sy \u2018n kandidaat in die federale verkiesing. Toe hy van die brief hoor \u201cJohn Howard, as leader of the Liberal Party, dropped her from the ticket and banished her from the party\u201d (218). Op die stembriewe het \u201cLiberal Party\u201d egter steeds teenoor haar naam gestaan. Sy is verkies en het as \u2018n onafhanklike haar plek in die federale parlement in Canberra ingeneem (1996-1998).
\nFascisme het \u2018n verskeidenheid kenmerke sodat die term op sowel linkse as regse politieke verskynsels toegepas kan word. Madeleine Albright skryf: \u201c\u2018Fascist\u2019 was the most versatile of insults\u201d en \u201cTo use the term \u2018Fascist\u2019 is to reveal oneself\u201d (Praag 19.05.2018<\/a>). Kurmelovs het sy politieke gesindheid geopenbaar deur Hanson met die teerkwas van rassisme en fascisme by te kom. Wat hy eintlik wou tuisbring, is dat hy nie van haar politiek hou nie. Kurmelovs is deel van Australi\u00eb se stedelike politieke establishment. Sy veldwerk op die platteland het hom nie daartoe beweeg om sy politieke heil buite die hoofstroom te soek nie.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Resensie-essay deur Leon Lemmer Vroe\u00ebr vanjaar was Australi\u00eb plaaslik polities in die nuus toe een van sy ministers die mening uitgespreek het dat daar voorkeur aan Suid-Afrikaanse boere as immigrante gegee behoort te word. Hierdie uitlating is in Afrikanergeledere verwelkom en voorspelbaar deur die ANC-regering verdoem. Uiteindelik was daar \u2018n aanduiding dat in die buiteland … Continue reading “Royce Kurmelovs oor Australiese politiek”<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":8,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":[],"categories":[2,9],"tags":[49,191,298,299,346,408],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"http:\/\/ensovoort.co.za\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/373"}],"collection":[{"href":"http:\/\/ensovoort.co.za\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"http:\/\/ensovoort.co.za\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/ensovoort.co.za\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/8"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/ensovoort.co.za\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=373"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"http:\/\/ensovoort.co.za\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/373\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"http:\/\/ensovoort.co.za\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=373"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/ensovoort.co.za\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=373"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/ensovoort.co.za\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=373"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}