How to consummate the Research-circle of Completeness in South Africa (8): Part 2

Title: How to consummate the Research-circle of Completeness in South Africa (8): Part 2
Gabriel P Louw
iD orcid.org/0000-0002-6190-8093
Extraordinary Professor, Focus Area Social Transformation, Faculty of Humanities, Potchefstroom Campus, North-West University, South Africa (Author and Researcher: Healthcare, Higher Education, History and Politics).
Corresponding Author:
Prof. Dr GP Louw; MA (UNISA), PhD (PUCHE), DPhil (PUCHE), PhD (NWU)
Email: profgplouw@gmail.com
Keywords: Circle, completeness, consummate, finish, full-circle, incompleteness, research.
Ensovoort, volume 42 (2021), number 5: 2

1. Background

Looking back to the outcomes of articles one to seven so far published it seems that a dynamic Research circle of Completeness did not truly arrived in our present-day research culture and environment. This, notwithstanding the fact that it is forcing to the foreground the development of a totally new research playing field and foundation, and requires the advent of new research agents with manifold needs and demands.^1-111
The present-day unhappiness and suppression that White academics and researchers are experiencing through ANC Black Cadres Lives Matter (ABCLM), Black Academic Research Economic Empowerment (BAREE) and White Academic Research Economic Disempowerment (WARED), have also become part of the Black academic and research community as a result of cadre deployment and their exploitation by the ANC-elite. Here, other than the passive-slavish acceptance of the situation of their suppression and discrimination by Whites, the Black reaction at present shows a clear violent intention and substructure, with the intent to rectify the imbalances and wrongdoings against them. The ANC’s ABCLM/BAREE/WARED can cost them more than an arm and a leg in the near future.^111-119
We are at the moment clearly possessed by an academic and a research acatalepsy.²⁹ It is thus no surprise that one university’s research output declined for the academic year 2020 with 44%. It is also understandable why many South African universities are not on the various 2021 lists of African universities acknowledged for outstanding research and learning.  The earlier quoted remark of Goolam Ballim²⁹, the chief economist of Standard Bank on the delinquent ANC-regime, sounds clearly in our ears also on the doubtful status of our present academic and research leadership: “There are no adults in charge.” More and more, we are becoming academic and research nincompoops.^62:13

1.1. Introduction

The present-day chaos inside the South African research environment and its absence of a true (completed or full) Research-circle of Completeness must be read as a corollary of the immediate post-1994-contaminated politics which has been imposed onto the country’s higher education through ABCLM/BAREE/WARED. This outcome will be addressed undermentioned in the section 3.1. The roles of stonewalling and obstructionism against the establishing of the Research-circle of Completeness in South Africa.

1.2. Aims of Article 8 (Continues from Article 7)

The purpose of this article as a continuation of its intertwined Article 7, titled: “How to consummate the Research-circle of Completeness in South Africa (7): Part 1”, is to provide a framework with the primary aim to rehabilitate or at least to restart our present incomplete Research-circle of Completeness by making it a full–Research circle of Completeness.^1-14,31

1.2.1. Scope of article (Continues from Article 7)

The information applies to dissertations by master’s students and to theses by doctoral candidates, presented as a collection of essays or articles.

2. Method (Continues from Article 7)

The research was been done by means of a literature review. This method aims to construct a viewpoint from the available evidence as the research develops. This approach is being used in modern research where there is often not an established body of research, as is the case with the writing and publishing of the article-format dissertation and thesis. Through this method the focus is on being informative as to the various local and global approaches to the delivery of article-format theses or dissertations. The sources include the guidelines of universities on the writing of the article-thesis for the period 1975 to 2020.
The research findings are being presented in narrative format.

3. Results and discussion (Continues from Article 7)

3.1. Roles of stonewalling and obstructionism against the establishing of the Research-circle of Completeness in South Africa

3.1.1. Overview

So far much has been written on how to consummate the Research-circle of Completeness in South Africa, without a focus on the role of stonewalling by various obstructionists against its attainment. Various actors essentially make it impossible at the moment to obtain such a positive outcome. Prominent among these are two primary obstructionists: firstly, the henchmen of the ANC regime who are driving BAREE in line with ABCLM/WARED; and secondly, the present-day practitioners of the still well-established and functioning Old-Age Academia.^62-136
ABCLM/BAREE/WARED and the Old-Age Academia are intertwined with each other and all three are also entangled with the present delinquent politics of the ANC regime. All of them are characterized by their nefarious influences on the country’s present research. It was decided to describe them underneath in-depth to make it clear how and why it is difficult, almost impossible, to set the Research-circle of Completeness in South Africa into motion and to attain it.^136-141

3.2. ABCLM/BAREE/WARED inside the ANC’s broken link of Intelligentsia

3.2.1. Post-1994 contaminated politics

The present-day chaos inside the South African research environment and the absence of a true (completed or full) Research-circle of Completeness, must be read with the immediate post-1994 contaminated politics which is now, as mentioned, bluntly and blindly imposed onto the country’s higher education system through ABCLM/BAREE/WARED. This outcome does not seem to be a point of concern for the present class of university leaders, namely that extreme consequences are awaiting the universities through the implementation of ABCLM/BAREE/WARED, bringing the same chaos as ANC-cadre deployment did in the public service. But the present university leaders all seem happily engrossed in the power and benefits of the ANC’s corrupted and delinquent ways.  Professor RW Johnson²⁹, in his book²⁹: “How long will South Africa survive?”, that was published in 2016, suddenly opened for us the door to this chaos of a downward spiraling academic and research culture and the devastating impact of ABCLM/BAREE/WARED. With clear insight and vision on education at all levels, he writes^29:117,129:
South Africa’s universities are now flooded with often uneducable black students produced by these poor government schools. Some of these students, to their great credit, rise to the challenge and get good degrees. But a far large number scrape through only thanks to merciful marking – itself the result of strong government pressure to increase the pass rate. It is precisely the beneficiaries of such ‘affirmative marking’ – they are often barely literate – who form the next generation of teaching [and surely academics and research]. To grasp the nettle, one would need to begin by taking a far more robust attitude towards meritocracy in university entrance and marking. This too would meet huge social resistance and most universities, knowing this, would be horrified at the thought of raising their standards (p. 117).
On the other hand, the traditional intelligentsia remained cowed and intimidated. This was particularly visible in the two institutions which had provided intellectual leadership for the anti-apartheid struggle, the churches and the universities. After 1990 the churches fell into a deep somnolence from which they could not be awakened. The ANC insisted, of course, that the churches belonged at their side and the churches seemed unable to muster the courage to declare their independence (p.129).
A similar lack of courage afflicted the universities. They were, in any case, in decline. Wits…has lost its old primacy. The University of KwaZulu-Natal was in tatters. The University of South Africa…was a shadow of its former self. By 2014 four universities were under administration. In addition, Walter Sisulu University …had to be shut down in 2013 because strike action by its faculty, already the best paid in the country although among the least distinguished, had brought the university to the brink of bankruptcy (p. 129).
In general, the universities were subservient. At the height of the controversy over the Aids denialism which made Mbeki an international leper, UCT gave him a special African Leadership Award. Once Jacob Zuma came to power the vice-chancellor of the University of KwaZulu-Natal, Professor William Makgoba…quickly declared that Zuma was the perfect man to be president and that Mbeki was a ‘classic dictator of our times’, comparing him to Mobutu, Idi Amin, Mugabe and other African monsters’. Thus, even at a time when educated opinion, both in South Africa and internationally, had become highly critical of the ANC, South African universities sounded no critical note. There was none of the bravery and independence of mind that the universities showed under apartheid (p.129).
Johnson²⁹ takes this incorporation of ABCLM/BAREE/WARED into the soul of the universities much further. This contaminated process, what he softly described as the ANC’s imposition of autocracy on “public intellectual life” and wherein a stifling and ANC-centred version of “political correctness” ruled, he in-depth pinpointed when he states^29:129-131:
All the universities practised affirmative action, both in their admissions and their faculty appointments. The results were damaging: a high failure and drop-out rate, as students who often should never have been admitted, departed; and a situation in which most worthwhile research and publication was carried out by an ageing core of mainly white males.  As this latter group exited the system standards were bound to nose-dive. The entire strategy was based on a historically obvious mistake: one simply cannot create an instant new intelligentsia by affirmative action. In the main the universities knew this but, with few exceptions, were so craven that they voluntarily submitted to this self-destructive policy which bound to lower standards for the coming generations of black students. It was a classic trahison des clercs.  Inevitably, South Africa continued to suffer a damaging brain drain. (p. 129);
Behind the curtain of this new ‘progressivism’ high culture was dying. To go to the theatre, opera, ballet or orchestral recital was to see the same sea of grey-headed whites. It would be a surprise if any of these art forms still existed in 20 years’ time. Under the ANC South Africa was retreating at speed to a less-cultured, less-educated, less-skilled society. Unwittingly, and while preaching the doctrines of progress and liberation, the ANC was leading South Africa further and further backwards (pp.130-131); and
This quietism and deference to power of the universities and those who policed public intellectual spaces sat in strange contrast to these facts, as if almost no one was willing to look truth in the face [basically because they knew they were monitored and would be acted on to prevent any political dissidence. (p.131).
The above outcome of the successfully establishing of ABCLM/BAREE/WARED by the ANC, follows from the manoeuvring by Nelson Mandela from day one in 1994 to overwhelm every sector of the South African society with the ANC’s dogma, principles and power-grabbing. Johnson states^{2 9:126}: “Mandela, both intimidated and charmed most South Africans. Many whites were, belatedly, stricken with guilt over apartheid and shared in the general euphoria of the ‘new South Africa’. This permitted a rampant and ANC-defined political correctness which gave lasting legitimacy to ANC rhetoric with its stress on ‘transformation’, an ‘African renaissance’, affirmative action, black economic empowerment, and so on.  All the powerful groups in the white, Indian and coloured communities scrambled to stay onside with their new masters.”
The willing induction into political, social, economic and official delinquency by most of the present-day South African universities’ leaderships – mostly because of their own political, economic and personal creed – is undoubtedly true; but intimidation and fear, together with personal losses and the inborn inferiority of cadre-deployed university leaders and academics inside an autocracy, also drive even the strongest leader sometimes successfully into subordinate behaviour, as Boon³⁰ points out^30:72:
Autocrats very seldom create excellent teams. People usually work very hard and do what they should out of fear. In teams led by autocrats there will be a corresponding lack of trust because of fear. People can be fired or severely disciplined by the autocrat with very little resource. There can be no openness, no honesty and no sharing of weakness for fear of dismissal or retribution.  There can be no trust, because each member of this team runs to his own agenda in the effort to protect himself at all costs. To achieve this involves currying favour with the powerful and occasionally treading on colleagues.
To think for one second that ABCLM/BAREE/WARED will bring renewal in the form of good standards of research or the bettering of our universities by speeding up the appointment of Black leaderships and a crowd of Black academics and researchers of whom many are already bathing in refined racism and cadre dysfunction and are comprehensively lacking in good qualifications and experience, is wishful thinking par excellence.

3.2.1.1. ANC’s lack of real intelligentsia in its inner circle

The failure and delinquency of ABCLM/BAREE/WARED started from the ANC’s inner circle’s failure to understand advanced learning, to master it and to incorporate it into their political mindset. From the beginning the ANC was handicapped by the fact that it had no real intelligentsia in its inner circle: those that could be labelled as such in the ANC leadership were Whites and many times Jews! And although a handful of later ANC leaders considered themselves to be intellectuals (as some are still trying to do today), it is sorely clear that their qualifications for such a designation were spare to non-existent, writes Johnson.^29:128 He continues:^29:128 “Few ever wrote books or were formally well educated. Thus, the movement lacked the first requirement for cultural hegemony, an organic intelligentsia”.

• ANC’s BAREE intelligentsia in charge of our universities

This mess inside the ANC’s inner circle did not improve, but instead has worsened since 1994 with the BAREE appointments of ANC beneficiaries and party representatives at universities. If the above statement is doubted, just look at the present failures and pathetic outcomes created by many members of the ANC’s BAREE intelligentsia in charge of our universities, to see that ABCLM/BAREE/WARED is struggling to make successful inroads and that the ANC’s creation of an exclusive contingent of Black academics and researchers is often a failure. The chaos of debts owed to universities by non-paying students, shows that the leadership of the South African universities, as their ANC master, do not understand the handling of other people’s money and have as the ANC elite that grabs, also started to give away as Santa Clauses others’ (taxpayers’) money. The most prominent aspect here is the build-up of student debts totaling nearly R13bn that in most cases will have to be written off to quell anarchy and revolution, but is again just another form of “state capture”, the stock phrase used every day in the media. The historic debt owed to some of the SA universities is: University of KwaZulu-Natal: R1.6bn; Wits University: R1bn; University of Western Cape: R445.7m; Nelson Mandela University: R313m; University of the Free State: R300m; Durban University of Technology: R289m; North-West University: R194m; University of Cape Town: R88m. The immense discrepancy between R1.6bn (UKZN) and R88m (UCT) also tells a story on ineffective top management, their lack of business knowhow and how correctly enact transformation.  But, this management chaos at the South African universities goes far back, as Johnson already stated.^{15-29,113,119}
Johnson²⁹ goes on, clearly showing the extent of the ANC’s failure as a regime and especially its failed leadership, captured by cadre deployment and nincompoops inside BBBEE and the later ABCLM/BAREE/WARED — coming from 1994 and continuing still in 2021– when he comments as follows^29:104-105:
In that time the ANC has provided the country with four presidents, starting with a man nearly 76 years old when he took office, who quite publicly made it clear that he wanted to give it up as soon as possible. He was followed by a man disabled by his paranoia and grandiosity, who was responsible for inflicting well over 300 000 unnecessary Aids deaths on his own people. Thirdly and briefly, there was an old communist and trade union militant who might just have passed muster as a backbench Labour MP in Britain. And finally, there was an only just literate Zulu tribesman whose vision did not rise above the feudal. Apart from the generally downwards tendency, the most striking thing about this group is that they were all already part of the ANC elite in 1994. If one asked who the coming man was in 2014, it was Cyril Ramaphosa, already a major figure in the 1980s. There is no renewal. It is quite a stretch to imagine that a movement with such leadership will lead the country to their promised land.
Sorely so far, the well-steered so-called “new ANC intelligentsia” under the cover of their BAREE politics at universities, seems not to bring with them much by way of new academic and research expertise, or managerial and leadership talents. Looking critically at many of the CVs of this contingent of much-praised ANC academics and research cadres and comrades, they often lack evidence of any academic and research prowess to be able to improve on the academic and research qualities of the White lecturers being kicked-out. The ANC’s broken link of intelligentsia on all levels of the country’s leadership, notwithstanding the ANCs imposition of BBBEE and ABCLM/BAREE/WARED, and their political misuse of their false ANC African nationalism and liberation to get their radical politics established, is just steaming on. Just note the chaotic situation of our country’s basic education and the devastating road it followed as guided by BBBEE (which was nothing less than legalised anti-White racism). The road the universities are now precisely travelling under the guidance of ABCLM/BAREE/WARED: chaos is not only waiting for research and academic standards, but the universities’ discipline, campus and class order, the safety of students and staff are endangered, while poisonous anti-White racism is incorporated into it.^62-87,96-133 Read what Johnson²⁹ writes underneath on the chaos and anarchy already present in 2016 at our schools and makes a comparison of what is waiting for the universities caught in the grip of ABCLM/BAREE/WARED.
Johnson states the following^29:117:

In addition, the union [SADTU] called for a halt to all disciplinary actions against teachers and also demanded that school governing bodies be prevented from “encroaching in schools”. SADTU also refused all school inspections or other measures aimed at monitoring teacher quality or behaviour. Teacher absenteeism, neglect and abuse of their pupils, is rampant. Without doubt the poor quality of teaching in government schools is one reason why South Africa came next-to-bottom (out of 149 countries) in maths in a recent survey by the World Economic Forum. And yet SADTU protects and perpetuates that poor quality. It is perfectly obvious that South Africa can make no real progress towards producing a better educated workforce unless SADTU is tamed – but it is a matter of belling the cat and government ministers are frankly scared of the union’s power.”

In line with the above delinquent school setting, Johnson²⁹ reflects also on the BBBEE and ABCLM/BAREE/WARED cadres’ and comrades’ senseless hunger for wealth and power, seeing in them a lack of any insight into the disastrous consequences of their politics inside the fake ANC African nationalism and liberation and the ANC’s ability to keep up its pretense of a healthy economy that would enable it to pay in future the salaries and other large-scale benefits of BBBEE/BAREE cadres and comrades.²⁹

• Hypocritical Whites enthralled by ABCLM/BAREE/WARED

On the so-called “recruited” ANC intelligentsia, especially those hypocritical Whites totally enthralled by ABCLM/BAREE/WARED and their specific view of it as a justified adjustment to the so-called inequality in tertiary education by bringing tertiary education to all students and to the so-called potential Black lecturers held back by Apartheid, Johnson²⁹ shows up their hypocrisy when he writes^29:234: ^“South Africa’s great inequality has weighed heavily upon the country’s ‘conventional wisdom’ intellectuals. For some time now it has been common for such folk to issue striking appeals for the hyper-wealthy to give away some of their wealth. This marks out those who issue such appeals as progressive, forward-thinking and unselfish – though it is notable that none of them diverted themselves of any of their own assets.” A more honest critic of the actions of these Whites caught up in the ANC’s ABCLM/BAREE/WARED, would describe it as academic and research prostitution par excellence.  
Notably here for many of the Whites, caught-up in their immense academic foolishness and blindness created by ABCLM/BAREE/WARED, they ignore the fact that it is the ANC’s dreadful economy policy, our equally dreadful education system and the superimposition of the unproductive and wealthy new ANC elite, built on the old pre-1994 class structure that is blocking progress and constructive development. It is missed by the intelligentsia when they hear the ANCs speaking of their fake ANC African liberation which prescribes that there should be a new parasitic elite (ANC cadres) taking and grabbing all opportunities at the cost of the forced-out so-called White elite as well as that of the mass of poor Blacks outside BBBEE.  Ironically, the continuing ABCLM/BAREE/WARED is going to gobble up the delinquent White intelligentsia long before they can enjoy their nothing-else-than crooked pensions.^2,29

• Joker Surprise in politics

For many good Whites who are specifically working in public tertiary education, there is no light in the Future South Africa, both for quality education, as well as their personal future. It seems that not even in the 2024 national elections will the ANC regime and its devilish ABCLM/BAREE/WARED be removed. But is this pessimism, based on a country having been in permanent chaos for two decades, justified? Yes, if we looked at the downward spiraling since 1994 of South Africa into a total failure under the ANC. No, when we start to read the signs of changes that are taking place unnoticed. A prominent element here is the slow build-up of resistance and counter-action by the majority of the Black population who are not part of the ANC’s crooked BBBEE and ABCLM/BAREE/WARED. We need to take a look at the present-day political setup in South Africa and the possible sudden political changes that the Joker Surprise can bring even this year, making a 2024 national election to get rid of the ANC unnecessary. Looking very carefully at our current governmental setup, the coming of the Joker does not seem so much of a Surprise anymore: it is here.^62-87,96-133
Underneath in section: 3.2.2. The exploitation and doing of injustice to the majority of Blacks by the ANC since 1994 as the basis for the coming of revolution and regime change, there will be more information on the permanence of ABCLM/BAREE/WARED versus its erasure from our Universities.

3.2.2. The exploitation and doing of injustice to the Black-majority and White-minority by the ANC since 1994 as the basis for the coming of revolution and regime change

• Criminalisation of the South African state

Firstly, when mentioning the words unrest, injustice and crookery associated with the ANC (and to make the present-day crooked ABCLM/BAREE/WARED and the ANC’s culture of delinquency understandable), it is needed to move back to Professor RW Johnson’s description of the 1994 start of the ANC under Nelson Mandela, when he wrote in 2016:^29:47 “When Nelson Mandela was president he attracted much criticism for the shameless way in which he used South African policy as means to enrich the ANC…Mandela could see nothing wrong with this any more than he could see anything wrong with calling for ‘everyone’ to join the ANC in order to create a one-party state.” (The one-party state he successfully obtained in some way, but he failed to get everyone of the 60-million population to join the ANC: the party’s membership is less than one million in 2021.)
Under Jacob Zuma this enrichment continued, as Johnson points out^29:47: “…Zuma’s diplomacy …was aimed not at the enrichment of the ANC but of his own family. This was how the worst African dictators – Mobutu, Obiang Nguema, Arap Moi – had behaved. Such behaviour was new in South African history. The fact that the ANC could applaud and support it told one all that one needed to know of its degradation.” Johnson continues^29:48:“…in many respects, Zuma has fulfilled the predictive vision of right-wing whites who resisted majority rule on grounds that it would bring authoritarianism, corruption and incompetence sufficient to ruin the country. The surprise is how quickly the ANC in power regressed to this sort of rule and even more, how it rallied behind Zuma, defending him against any criticism”; and^{29: 49}: “…a belief [by the ANC on the holding of a costly feast to celebrate its ruling of the RSA that included the then Police-commissioner Bheki Cele and Jacob Zuma] that celebrity alone was quite enough to hold the law at bay, that pouring out money in such conspicuous and wasteful expenditure was perfectly acceptable in a country with 40 per cent unemployment, that ANC government was all about a small elite having the time of their lives. What these party-goers were happy about was that their patronage line [Zulus] had come to power. But what they were really celebrating, consciously or not, was the criminalisation of the South African state.”

• Use of National Democratic Revolution (NDR) and Black Nationalism in executing White-racism

Bringing us to the basis of the present-day anti-White-racism of ABCLM/BAREE/WARED, Johnson²⁹ reflects on the origin of the official racism of the ruling alliance, consisting of the ANC, Cosatu and the SACP, and its clear class structure wherein Whites versus Blacks stands on opposite sides within its planned National Democratic Revolution (NDR), which falsely alludes to the abolishment of all racial and class differences and the creation of a so-called “common society”. But, inside this creation was the clear adoption of the slogan “colonialism of a special type”. Johnson states^{29: 103}:“…the whites (and perhaps other [racial] minorities) were cast as foreign oppressors, settlers to be got rid of…” To say that ANC politics is not based on racism is equal to saying that there is no Sun around which the earth is circling every day!
The political power to drive the NDR (that has never realized until today despite state capture, corruption, stealing and mismanagement in the name of a fake Africanism and a false Black Nationalism), means that the overwhelming, suppression and devastation of the Whites must be a first priority for the Alliance; and secondly, keeping the Alliance unlimited in power with its Stalinist socio-political order. This also means the direct disempowerment of the Whites and the planned keeping them out of government by coups, such as the present State of Emergency clearly confirms, should the Alliance and ANC fail at the ballot box. Central to this disempowerment is the use and imposition of ABCLM/BAREE/WARED at universities that forms the heartbeat of the White Intelligentsia.

• Delinquent ANC cadre-deployment

Prominent implicated in the current wrong-doing is the delinquent ANC’s leadership and elite in which there has been no renewal since 1994. Cadre Ramaphosa is a central figure here; saturated in the ANC’s political delinquency and the man who as vice-president oversaw the crooked appointment of ANC cadres inside BBBEE and BAREE as well as ABCLM/WARED.  Indeed, is doing it still actively as President. The exclusions of Whites from the economy and work positions, driving them into poverty, has become the single obsessions within the mindset of every ANC leader.
This has led to a worse post-1994 political and socio-economic setup than the pre-1994 one, in which the ongoing revenge on the so-called White foreign oppressors and settlers is central, with the basic theme or intention to grab everything from them. ABCLM/BAREE/WARED and White hatred by the ANC elite, go hand by hand. Describing the ANC’s mess-up of sound government and the presence of blanket appropriation as in ABCLM/BAREE/WARED, Johnson states ^29:105:
…many of the old inequalities of the apartheid order have been retained and on top of that a small and politically connected black elite has attempted to imitate or exceed the lifestyles of the old white elite. Yet this new elite is entirely unproductive: it generates no new wealth. Accordingly, its appetite can only be met by redistribution away from others [making BAREE/WARED understandable]. This has added a whole new (and very extreme) layer of inequality and explains why post-apartheid South Africa has become the world’s most unequal society. This is not some form of aberration from the liberation struggle. A glance around Africa shows that this is liberation.
Indeed, in this context Johnson reflects clearly what he means with “this is liberation in post-apartheid South Africa” when he writes^{29: 122}: “The sight of [ANC] politicians becoming rich men. Almost overnight made many feels that the sky was the limit. If Cyril Ramaphosa could go, in a few years, from zero net worth to assets of over $600 million, anything was possible. So, while the ANC might talk of socialism, the message received by most of its activists was Guzot’s famous enrichissez-vous!” and ^29:107: “…in South Africa a large number of ANC politicians are also farm-owners and businessmen. A large majority of the ANC National Executive has business interests”. For the White academics and researchers, outside the vital sphere of cadre deployment, BAREE/WARED is the reversal of Guzot’s famous enrichissez-vous: it is a setup lacking Ramaphosa’s own cadre-enrichment opportunity and in which the Whites are the immediate and sole targeted victims of the ANC’s “redistribution away from others”.

• Mass of Blacks outside the ANC’s politics of nepotism and exclusive cadre-deployment It would be very one-sided and exclusively White-orientated to look solely from a White perspective on “enrichissez-vous” and “redistribution away from others”, as injustices done only to Whites: It is a process much more focussed on the mass of Blacks outside the ANC’s politics of nepotism and exclusive cadre-deployment. This is an outcome mostly overlooked by the public and which is mostly not understood by the majority of Blacks themselves. This result brings the Black majority outside the ANC-Black-Cadre-Lives-Matter (ABCLM) today much nearer to revolution against the ANC regime than the Whites ever seem to think of at the moment about ABCLM/BAREE/WARED.

Johnson²⁹ tactically alerted us already in 2016 to the possibility of a collapsed ANC regime in 2021; a regime which is at the moment only kept standing by their misuse of the Stalinist State of Disaster since 2020: abolish the State of Disaster and you abolish the ANC as the regime; and this also means the collapse of its devilish ABCLM/BAREE/WARED and BBBEE and the ANC-White-discrimination that has dominated our universities since 1994.  Johnson²⁹, looking backwards to the pre-2016 period of ANC reign, observes^29:131: “Under the ANC South Africa was retreating at a speed to a less-cultured, less-educated, less-skilled society. Unwittingly, and while preaching the doctrines of progress and liberation, the ANC was leading South Africa further and further backward”. Johnson²⁹ in this context further elaborates^29:234:
At this point it is germane to recognise that the South African state is already anaemic and rickety. The average calibre of cabinet ministers is extremely low. Many of them seem to suffer from acute paranoia; some believe in witchcraft. In addition, there is very little co-ordination amongst the absurdly high number of ministries and no really strong drive from the centre. Moreover, few ministers have sufficient economic knowledge to understand how serious the situation is. When the ratings downgrades of June 2014 took place – a crucial step on the road to ruin – Goolam Ballim, Standard Bank’s chief economist, remarked on the absence from public discourse of any sense of urgency. ‘It’s like a real life showing of Home Alone. There are no adults in charge.’ This is not a government which could withstand a major crisis.
Johnson²⁹ takes us further than Ballim did inside the bosom of the ANC elite’s way of delinquent rule (and thinking) when he writes^29:120:
Thus, both the teachers and the police are runaways, progressively escaping from government control, which in turn means that state education and law and order largely escape from government control. But in one way or another, this is happening to more and more elements of the state – municipal bosses set themselves up as local big men, looting their fiefdoms and defying the law. The ANC in Luthuli House tells ministers – and even the President – what to do. At the same time the state is more and more criminalised at every level.

• Driving of a ruinous set of policies by the ANC and the incoming of Black anarchy

This brings to the foreground the driving of a ruinous set of policies by the ANC (like expropriation without compensation, the 50 per cent seizure of commercial farms, the National Health Insurance (NHI), pension-fund nationalisation, forced demographic representation in the workplace where ABCLM/BAREE/WARED and BBBEE predominate, and other controversies such as corruption, state capture, etc.), as well as its much-declared radical transformation that is now being intensified under the State of Disaster.²⁹
The hard fact is that the ANC regime cannot and will not withstand a major crisis in 2021 (and they are fast moving into one). Their failed handling in May 2008 of the mid-level crisis around food unrest and the xenophobic riots showed that they are just incapable of dealing for instance with mid-level urban unrest, forget large-scale unrest, according to Johnson.^29:234 Johnson²⁹ writes ^29:234: “While what it euphemistically terms ‘land reform’ might be the match that ignites the gun powder, it is clear that there are many other such ignition points once the government embarks on such a road. All of these leads ineluctably towards large-scale urban unrest and a growing loss of central government control.” A major factor that would strengthen extreme unrest is the fact that the ANC is constantly losing support in the country’s urban areas; meaning that the start of a revolution in an extreme form here, could fast overwhelm the already incapable regime to control so-called “anarchists and revolutionists” (that are nothing else than the new class of freedom-fighters aiming to get rid of the ANC and its autocratic rule). Not even the misuse of the security services in terms of the State of Disaster through which the ANC regime has hung onto power since the beginning of 2020, would quell it.^62-87,96-136
The above kind of outcome in a mid-level crisis with urban unrest as evidenced by the May 2008 xenophobic riots for the ANC-regime, was entirely the result of their incapacity to deal with the matter. Johnson concludes^29:234: “This was why many terrible acts of violence were allowed to continue for days in major South African cities and why none of the perpetrators were ever punished. Similarly, the government has been powerless in the face of thousands of township protests over poor service delivery, municipal corruption, and so on. In part, this is because both the police and army are now mere shadows of what they once were, racked by brutality, corruption and incompetence.”
Today, twelve years after the May 2008 riots, the chaos around service delivery, poverty, municipal and central corruption, the misuse of BBBEE to enrich and strengthen exclusively ANC cadres, have grown out of hand; the empty promises of the ANC elite “to enrich the poor by land and pension grabbing”, is laughed upon. There are many ignition points waiting to be ignited. Here the present student unrest around funding is of key importance: it is only the tip of the iceberg of anarchy and revolution, brewing over the last decade with the potential to devastate the ANC.^{15-29, 113,119} This state of affairs is well summed up by Govender¹¹⁹ when he writes^119:1,6: “SA’s 26 universities are on a knife-edge following a call by the powerful South African Students Congress (SASCO) for a total shutdown tomorrow”; and: “Shutdown looms over student anger”. This ping-pong playing with higher education and the future of the youth’s education is ongoing, extending from 2014, reflecting the ANC’s inability to bring any solutions to the country’s immense problems. Nicholson, Egwu and Payne write^125:1: “Neither the leeway offered by universities nor the state’s budget reallocation will solve the ongoing crisis.”
In 2016 Johnson²⁹ already described the then already failing ANC coming from 1994 (and its failing tertiary policy inside ABCLM/BAREE/WARED) when he wrote^29:139:“The government also doesn’t govern because it cannot. In effect the ‘transformation’ of the civil service has destroyed it. Apart from occasional oases of expertise… the civil service has been stripped not only of competent personnel but also of its institutional memory. Instead, it has become a free-fire field for ‘cadre deployment’ and every kind of political and familial nepotism and cronyism.” In this context Johnson continues^29:139:
…the government doesn’t govern because it simply isn’t much interested in the job. Only a few, rare ministers…appear to be driven by a passion for their work. Mainly, however, the focus of presidents and ministers alike is on the life of the ANC, its anniversaries, its rules and discipline, its national and regional conferences, its moods and its factions. Essentially, this is the body within which they have lived their lives, the body to which they owe their positions and power. And it is not just an organisation; it is a family, a history, an emotional home. Accordingly, they pay it far closure attention than anything in government.
Bring into further focus the governing delinquency of the ANC, Johnson further elaborates^29:141: “Typically, the minister is also the centre of a patronage network, finding jobs for family members, mistresses, clients from his local area and his tribal group. On top of which, of course, the minister is greatly preoccupied with trying to devise ways of using his official position in order to enrich him/herself.”
Johnson²⁹ describes the ANC party and its politics since 1994 as an experiment and describes this extreme, failed experiment’s construction and energy as^29:245:“…in power the ANC has actually become more chiefly, more tribal, a giant federation of political bosses held together by patronage, clientelism and concomitant looting and corruption. This has created a political regime which is quite incapable of managing and developing a modern state.”

• South Africa’s incoming Black Spring/Black Autumn

Responding to fears of an inchoate revolution against the ANC, the party’s elite in 2013 sent the National Intelligence Agency (NIA) to North Africa to see what they could learn from the Arab Spring. But, until today, they still do not understand the hard fact that poverty, joblessness, cadre deployment and socio-economic injustice done by the ruler of the day, will be at the centre of any future revolution: they do not foresee a Black Spring nor a Black Autumn for South Africa. About the massive ignorance on the part of the general public regarding the ANC elite’s problematic socio-economics and politics that they have pursued since 1994 in South Africa and their silent power grab in the style of the Chinese Communist Party, Johnson postulates^29:173: “A particular striking feature of the crisis is that it evolved in an atmosphere of complete public ignorance.”
On the ANC elite’s own ignorance of their delinquent actions since 1994 (even to other Blacks) and the coming time for facing up to these, Johnson writes^29:189: “The most important reason for this almost Neanderthal state of the ANC economic thinking is that very few people in the government understand the true gravity of the situation.” This indeed spells out abnormal psychological thinking by the ANC elite, which is already spilling over into grandeur, irrational thinking, as Johnson well identified and described^29:196: “…South Africa’s leaders saw themselves as the leaders of Africa, as leaders of the Third World, as leaders of the black race internationally – and in general, leaders of the world’s progressives. It was an extraordinary inflation of ambition.” The above declaration of a politically mad government was confirmed by the then South African ambassador to the US, Ebrahim Rasool (who Johnson described as a person^29:196: “…who had more than his share of problems with the law”), when Rasool^29:196: “…insisted that South Africa was ‘poised to become a moral superpower’.” What Rasool indeed should say, was that some of the ANC elite are urgently looking for a ‘stay-out-of-jail-card’.²⁹
The above brings us again to the current chaos around the ANC regime’s actions and the hard fact that it can lose the 2024 national election, although this outcome also seems to be missing from the minds of most of the ANC elite. But, regarding their failed governance since 1994, it seems that some of the leaders in the ANC have obtained in some way in their irrational thinking an idea of their possible ousting as a government in the near future. Johnson states^29:229_:
For some time now the ANC’s critics have claimed that the party is leading South Africa towards failed state status and the sight of the country losing its economic sovereignty would cause many of those critics to feel vindicated. The ANC, for its part, has become increasingly sensitive to the question of failure. Anyone who suggests that the ANC government is failing is immediately attacked as a racist and an ‘Afro-pessimist’ ((optimism being presumed to be a patriotic duty). There is no doubt that the ANC was badly shaken by its loss of ground in the 2014 elections, the emergence of the EFF and the continuing advance of the DA. It kept its post-mortems confidential but its hyper-sensitivity to criticism – even to banal cartoons – suggested considerable anxiety at the now quite clear prospect of political and governmental failure.
The above remarks by Johnson²⁹ bring us also back to the slippery road on how the ANC came to power in the 2019 national elections as an autocracy and the reason for the ANC’s insecurity about the country’s future politics. In this context is it missed out by most of the public that of the 37-million eligible voters, 9-million did not register and another 9-million did not vote. Of the ±19-million that voted, the ANC only received ±11-million votes, making it a party governing with a 28% support of the total voter-population and not 58% as the vote counting of 2019 falsely reflects. The legitimacy of the presidency of Cyril Ramaphosa is far more slippery. He was not elected by the Nation, but by only ±4 000 ANC delegates at the 5^th ANC National Conference of 2017, of which nearly half did not vote for him, giving him a majority of only ±200 votes.  This means he came to the ANC leadership and presidency with a 5% support of the 4 000 delegates (and thus the ANC as a party with less than one-million members out of a population of 60-million). Reworking these so-called 4 000 ANC delegates’ votes to represent the 37-million eligible voters, it means cadre/comrade Ramaphosa was elected by only 0.01% of the total population. When taking into account that only ±200 ANC delegates out of 37-million eligible voters voted for him, the hard reality is that he was voted into the presidency by only 0.001% of the total population. The 2019 grab by the ANC and Ramaphosa of state power is surely the greatest act of state capture so far executed by the ANC elite. This reality is far removed from the media’s general portrayal of Cyril Ramaphosa as the anointed and chosen New Messiah and Arrived Black Jesus, alleged to be selected by the majority of voters, who can and is going to save all South Africans from the devil’s perils and chaos. Reality is starting to spell trouble for him. South Africa has a history of ousting Number Ones: John Vorster, PW Botha, Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma are instances. South Africa, as Africa, is full of Joker Surprises that come suddenly to make changes.
The golden days of the ANC and many of its leaders such as cadre Cyril Ramaphosa, cadre Ace Magashule, cadre Jacob Zuma and so on as sacrosanct are in the past. It is time that they note it. Can we ever forget the great African saint, Dr. Jonas Malheiro Savimbi, who, after ending up tied to a tree, was executed on the 22^ndFebruary 2002 by co-Angolans? The coup/State of Emergency that was executed recently by the power-mad military in Myanmar with its ongoing killing of the innocents and which has started to run fast into a failure and the prosecution of the military’s top leaders there, may be another warning for the ANC leaders what can await them in the near future if they tried to stay on uninvited with a power grab.¹²⁶
For those concerned about the further devastating impact of ABCLM/BAREE/WARED under an ongoing ANC regime, the question is: will the ANC accept defeat at the 2024 national elections?  It is doubted by many political analysts. The ANC leadership declared already they are going to stay in power till Jesus comes back. Also, their actions against opposition are cruel, well-planned and focussed, to crush any endangering of their quasi-permanent regime. The ANC’s behaviour during the State of Disaster, coming from the beginning of 2020 and the March 2021 reaction to the student protests at Wits university, give us a warning that they will not hesitate to take arms up against other Blacks.  Indeed, they did not hesitate to take up arms against the unarmed, poor mass of Blacks in the past, as well-confirmed by the massacre of 34 striking mineworkers at the Lonmin platinum mine at Marikana on the 16^th August 2012. Johnson tells us of the brutal behaviour of the ANC’s security services when he writes^29:83_:“When the police finally gunned down the 34 AMCU members [that were not part of the ANC elite and Alliance] there was a strong suspicion that, in effect, they had been brought in to suppress a threat to the ANC – a suspicion which grew when it was discovered that most of the 34 had been shot in the back, many of them hunted down and on the run”; and: ^29:117“… it also seems that some of the strikers were hunted down and executed by police in cold blood while others were deliberately crushed by police vehicles”;  and:^29:117“Several hundred more strikers were held in police cells where, according to their lawyers, they were beaten and tortured by the police.”
In May 2008 there were the uncontrolled food unrest and xenophobia killings that officially left 62 people dead.^29:233 Mercy and humanity, as the Marikana outcome four years later evidenced, were also not characteristics of the various police actions to end this unrest.^{15-29,113-119}
Indeed, looking at these kinds of bloodstained outcomes, Johnson writes^29:83: “The pigs had taken over Animal Farm and were behaving just as the humans had.” But it seems the pigs are still the masters today of the Animal Farms and have learnt nothing since 2008: the recent Wits incident of the killing of an innocent man confirms it very well. The hard fact is that one cold-blooded killing by the police is the same as ten, hundred or thousand killings by the police: it constitutes the killing of the innocent citizen and it reflects the willingness to kill many more innocent citizens if needed.^{15-29,113-119}
Indeed, the present Wits unrest and the cold-bloodied killing of an innocent bystander tells the tale of what the students could expect if they started up a revolution and did not move fast to obtain the upper and winning hand in some way.  Mazibuko^118:18 reports that numerous studies have also found that the remilitarisation of the South African police of just more than 200 000 members has done nothing to garner greater respect for police officers in the communities they serve and that more and more innocent people are dying by their hands.  An eyewitness, Thando Sibanda, described the cold-blooded killing of the bystander, Mthokozisi Ntumba. Thando Sibanda tells the journalist Iavan Pijoos¹¹⁹ the following story^119:6:
They [Wits-students] were not singing and were just standing there, nothing that could cause a shooting”. Sabinda said that moments later police officers in an armoured vehicle, a Nyala, arrived and opened fire on students. “That guy (officer) started shooting. We then ran inside the shop. They stood behind the locked safety gate and watched the tragedy unfold. A policeman got out of the vehicle and shot Ntumba in the head. That guy [Ntumba] asked him: ‘Why are you shooting me?’ “He shot him again in the chest and jumped on him and got into the car [the armoured Nyala vehicle] and they drove to the robot {metres away]. I asked myself, how do you shoot someone and see that he falls down and you just drive away? You are not even showing remorse. He [Ntumba] was carrying his medicine to show them that he is not a student.
Another student, Aphelele Buqwana,¹¹⁴ shot at and wounded in the leg during the Wits student unrest, brings us nearer to what students can expect in a revolution against the ANC regime, as well as the students thinking of the present government^114:7: “I want justice. But judging by how ignorant and unconcerned our government and ministers are I doubt there is going to be any justice for us.”
It is a grave situation that the student activists are now facing; and here we are speaking of killing and murder.^113-119 Any organised revolution will undoubtedly be suppressed by the ANC, even with extreme bloodshed.  (The Myanmar Junta’s action at the moment to fight off students by arresting, torturing and killing them is a cold warning for South Africans outside the ANC-circle.)¹²⁶ The primary reason for this suppression of a revolution: Because extreme prosecution awaits the ANC elite for crimes against humanity and alleged organized murder because of their poor handling of the pandemic and its deaths, up to their economic sabotage and thus high treason during the State of Emergency. Then there is their history of delinquency: corruption, looting, stealing, state capture, BBBEE and cadre corruption, etc., coming from 1994. (The intention of AfriForum to cross-examine Ramapohosa on cadre deployment at the Zondo commission is only one outcome of these many ANC delinquencies. The journalist Nomahlubi Sonjica writes^134:1: “AfriForm said the application stemmed from the fact that Ramaphosa was chairperson of the ANC cadre deployment committee from 2013 to 2016: During this time, several individuals who today are accused of corruption and state capture were appointed to key positions on the grounds of their loyalty to the ANC.”)
It is thus clear that the student protesters/revolutionists can expect no mercy from the police. Hereto, although the top ranks of the army are mostly pro-ANC and cadres and even showed discontent and disrespect to Parliament, there are some rumours that the ordinary soldiers already had declared they are not going to shoot their citizen-brothers. If these rumours are true, there is very little hope over for the ANC elite to stay in power or for the police to cover their backs. We will see if and when a push starts for anarchy or a possible revolution, how the roles of the army and police will develop.
The increase in student protests concerning the 2021 funding for their studies, is missed as the attention of the public and seemingly the ANC regime is always on itself. The editor¹¹⁵ of the Sunday Times on the 14^th March 2021 refreshes our minds on this ongoing, essentially unattended problem, when he writes^115:18:
Not for the first time, the government appears to have been caught napping as student protest flares again at the start of the academic year. After expectations were raised by the game-changing #FeesMustFall protests of 2015 and former president Jacob Zuma’s announcement two years later of free higher education to poorer students, one might have thought the government would sense the start of the academic year would be a critical moment, to be handled with great care and sensitivity. It is especially so given that the Covid-19 pandemic has destroyed so many families’ incomes, jeopardising the future education of their children as breadwinners languish in unemployment.
What the editor failed to say was that many of these poor students lost to Covid-19 a parent or sometimes both who brought an income (although the ANC-regime’s manipulated numbers show only officially 50 000 deaths it can be 160000 and more). When the Wits protests started up with seriousness and a bystander was shot and killed by the police in cold blood, Minister Blade Nzimande (after he said in Parliament there was not money for funding available) could suddenly find R7bn to aid the students! It was an outright emergency sidestep by a confused and fear-filled regime to escape major problems and responsibilities in the short term.^113-119
But, if the ANC elite and specifically Ramaphosa and Nzimande think their many troubles are over, they are in for a big surprise: the present student protests are more complex, organised and well-planned than they seem and reflected by the pro-ANC media. Indeed, it can be the final straw to cleanse the farm from the pigs that had taken over Animal Farm and are behaving just as the humans had. Looking at the many recent news reports coming through, it can be that South Africa is at last at the breaking point to move from unrest to anarchy to revolution: it doesn’t mean this month such an outcome might manifest, but possibly before the end of 2021. What makes the student protests so dangerous, is that it is a major crisis inside many major crises that are now waking up.^113-119 Johnson²⁹ in this context writes^29:246: ^“It may take great social convulsions to change that [the ANC structure] because the groups now in power will not easily let go of it. Indeed. Had they played their cards more cleverly they might have consolidated their rule. But, in fact they have done the opposite. The result is an imminent crisis on many fronts. So, somewhere out ahead of us lies a regime change towards a form of governance which is closure to South Africa’s underlying sociological realities”.
Inside the failed education system, which was building up to the present protests, stands out prominently the chaos in which Black students have found themselves over the last five years while it is clear they are going to be in a far worse position from now on up to 2024. The above comprehensive overview pointed to the collapse of the ANC regime as well as the functioning normality unique to a healthy economy, society and university. But, most of all, it also spells out that BBBEE and ABCLM/BAREE/WARED are not meant to benefit the ordinary, average Black person that forms the majority of South Africans, but that it is solely and exclusively meant for the ANC cadres: Black-Lives-Matter was indeed ANC-Black-Cadre-Lives-Matter, nothing less. It is a foreboding of disaster; one that needs immediate, comprehensive intervention and interference from outside of the ANC’s lawmakers’ circus of clowns, crooks and madmen.¹²⁴ The words of a sick Black man, who is forced to stand waiting in queues at clinics where there are many times a lack of medicine or decent treatment by the staff, tells the present-day story of extreme Black discrimination and hardship experienced under the ANC regime. Tshabalira Lebakeng¹²⁴ speaks and warns clearly of this ethnic, racial and class discrimination in post-1994 South Africa and the counter-action awaiting their tormentors^124:1: “While waiting in line you become friends. We talk about politics and how crazed Members of Parliament eat our tax money and drive big cars and lives in big houses. They know nothing about waiting in long queues outside clinics.”
There are today just too many sick Black men and women waiting in queues at clinics; the chances are good that they can be intimate partners in the African Autumn or the African Spring.
For them, the signs of immense personal, social and economic chaos to come in the near and far future for the youths in and under an ongoing ANC state capture are there, clearly evidenced by their present discrimination and exploitation. Govender⁷² reports on the 28^th February 2021 that the latest jobs data show that 2.7-million of the 7.2-million people who were unemployed in the last quarter of 2020 had a matric; that 230 000 of the matrics who passed the 2020 examination did not qualify for university admission; and that 1.8-million of first-years applied at 22 universities for enrolment. In all, 210 820 matrics qualified for admission to universities, but that the 22 universities had places for only 134 754 first-time students in total. Dawie Roodt⁷², chief economist at the Efficient Group, estimated that between 60% and 70% of the hundreds of thousands of matriculants who passed in 2020 will not find a job this year. The number of students at Wits university needing financial support in some form for 2021 were 27 000 out of 37 500. Hereto Professor Andre Roux⁷² of Stellenbosch University comments that even graduates have been left out in the cold^72:10: “Many of those who do have 12 or more years of education are also unemployable because the skills that they are able to offer the market do not match the market’s requirements: someone with a master’s degree in pre-historic architecture might be highly qualified, but the job market is unlikely to attach any productive importance to that qualification.”
The 2021-released data of Stats SA for 2020 show that the unemployment rate has risen to be 32.5% in the fourth quarter of 2020, the highest jobless rate ever seen: this number includes people, besides the youth, who have families to care for.  That is a ticking time bomb, bringing us back to the 1990s when Thabo Mbeki said that when the poor rise, they will rise against us all. (They have good reason after 26 years of mishandling and exploitation.) The country’s economy is teetering on the brink of a precipice: back in 2010 (only eleven years back) our debt-to-GDP ratio stood at 34.7%, now the forecast debt-to-GDP for 2022/2023 stands at 72%, while for 2025/2026 it is 88.9%.^112,113 The fact is that this chaotic situation is going to worsen over the next three years: The ANC regime’s funding of education will decline by a whopping R119bn in the next three years from 2021 and that the subsidies to universities to support operational costs and research funding are also set to be reduced in the next three years, while the National Student Financial Aid Scheme (which is at the centre of student unrest), is also facing serious budget cuts between 2021 and 2024. The pressure group Equal Education said the decreases in education funding in real terms will have a devastating impact, but it leaves the ANC unconcerned.¹⁰⁸
To argue that students must move into technical study directions, etc., away from university training, is foolishness par excellence: not even in the technical sphere is there a future in present-day South Africa. It is firstly the right of every student/person in South Africa to get post-matric training; and secondly it is the government’s duty to assure an economy which can give work and business opportunities to all the people. To blame the present chaos around the students’ funding on them or their parents is a typical ANC-elite blame game to escape their wrongdoing and responsibilities. If the author of this article is a jobless academic and research emeritus notwithstanding excellent qualifications and research outputs because he is White and over 65 years of age (and the perfect candidate to apply BAREE to), how can it be expected of our poor and unqualified Black youths and adults to can make an inroad to be trained and be economically independent when they are not part of the ABCLM?
It is clear that the chaos around the ANC regime has built up to the activation of a time-frame during which the ANC and its autocracy will be removed from the country’s politics. The fact is that South Africans on all levels and of all races accept that it’s time to choose between realignment (goodness) and radicalism (badness). They know well that they must make a choice and know they have to act now and to ignore the false promises of the ANC regime. Indeed, South Africans have reached the end of the road in 2021 and cannot hang on until the 2024 national elections that can be rigged or even be postponed in terms of a State of Emergency. The majority of South Africans cannot allow themselves to be further ruled by crooks. Indeed, they cannot take their suffering anymore.^{41,42,73,78,81,83,111,113} The present Wits SRC president, Mpendulo Mfeka’s conclusion on the failed 2021 setup and the organised protests tells us much when he said^131:1: “…it’s not only about ‘striking’ or ‘disrupting’. It’s about making an impact on people’s lives and fighting to ease student woes”; and ^125:1: “What is going to make a difference now is that the students are tired. They have been doing this forever and they are willing to go to the extreme to achieve their aim.” The eminent political analyst and journalist BarneyMthombothi¹¹¹ brings this situation into focus in when he writes on the 14^th March 202^111:19: “Outside the courtrooms or in Nkandla, corruption is being treated as something to celebrate.”  Dr. Anthea Jeffery⁷⁸, the writer and political analyst of the Institute of Racial Relations (IRR) on the 11^th March 2021 puts the present absolute chaos and exploitation of the majority of South Africans by the ANC in a nutshell^78:1: “Government is in crisis; SA must stand up against citizen abuse now.”
The ANC’s so-called “Democratic Revolution” — based on Stalinist Communism and executed in terms of the Chinese Communist Party’s strategy, and driven by ABCLM/BAREE/WARED and BBBEE to benefit only a fraction of Blacks — is directly today responsible for the devastation of the majority Blacks’ economic, social, personal and health rights: to such an extent that Gossell¹³⁰ needs to describe it as ^130:1: “The ANC revolution is eating its children.” Indeed, the end result in 2021 of the ANC’s delinquent regime of 26 years is evidenced by the finding of The World Happiness Report 2021 of the UN Sustainable Development Solutions Network (based on the Annual Gallup World Poll)^129,135 about South Africans’ happiness. Three elements are central: positive emotions, overall levels of satisfaction with life and trust in government. (Six separate factors were evaluated: GDP per capita, social support, healthy life expectancy, generosity, freedom and perception of corruption.) From the 149 countries evaluated, Europe was home to nine of the ten happiest countries in the world, while South Africa stands only in the 103^rd position from the top: confirming that its people are extremely unhappy. It was only the people of Malawi (144), Lesotho (145), Botswana (146), Rwanda (147), Zimbabwe (148) and Afghanistan (149) who were unhappier than South Africans. This means that more than 30% of the 149 countries selected, were happier than South Africans about their total living conditions.^129,135
The present student-unrest must be read far more critically than the media present it: end-August 2021 is the ANC’s National General Coouncil (AGC)’s gathering where the effective roles of cadres/comrades Ramaphosa, Magashule, Dlamini Zuma, Jacob Zuma, Mbalula, and others in the ANC leadership, undoubtedly will be scrutinised. If Ramaphosa cannot handle the student protests when they become out of hand and killings follow, his time in the ANC leadership is over.
Regarding the above state of affairs, we should see the well-planned positioning of Jacob Zuma in his public address and attack on Bheki Cele in supporting the students in their actions and disgrace of the police for their brutality, as well as Magashule’s public support for the students. Then there is already some support for opponents against Ramaphosa in the 2024 leadership election of the ANC, the pending court case against Ramaphosa about his mind capture to keep the funding of his election as ANC leader secret, and so on. On the present development of conflict politics inside the ANC’s inner circle around the student unrest, Msomi¹¹⁰ writes^110:18: “A day later, ANC secretary-general Ace was in the streets with students, professing his party’s support for their demands… he took the students on a march from Luthuli House to the Constitutional Court.”  Msomi¹¹⁰ continues^110:18: “Given…the ongoing power struggles within the ANC, it would be foolhardy to dismiss the strong suspicion that Magashule ‘hijacked’ the students’ struggle in a bid to win over this important constituency ahead of many battles that are to be fought within and outside the ANC. Some of his utterances when accepting a memorandum of demands from the students before the start of the march to the ConCourt clearly, albeit indirectly, targeted higher education minister Blade Nzimande and others in President Cyril Ramaphosa’s cabinet who are regarded as being opposed to the secretary-general.”
In above context also Nicholson, Egwu and Payne¹²⁵ reflect on possible political role players active in the unrests, pointing to the presence of the spokesperson of the Umkhonto weSiswe Veterans’ Association (MKHVA) at Wits, while at the same time showing that the protesters represent a cross-section of students coming from different political homes. Nicholson, Egwu and Payne write^125:1: “It is dissipated amid allegations of interference from its leaders’ affiliated political parties. There was even an alleged effort by State Security Agency to influence the agenda”.
But, the most prominent recent political development of taking on the ANC elite by co-Blacks (and evidence of the presence of strongly hostile Black ethnicity) was the public exclusion and flight of Ramaphosa from the funeral of the late King Zwelithini of the Zulus. Afrika and Manyane¹³⁴ write on the incident as follows^134:1: “The rebellion by Zulu warriors at the funeral of the late King Zwelithini’s funeral… forced the police to whisk away President Cyril Ramaphosa through the back door for safety reasons”, and^134:1: “The police were this week forced to cut the mesh wire fence of the KwaKhhetomthandayo Royal Palace to make way for Ramaphosa’s motorcade after angry Zulu warriors, known as Amabutho, charged towards the venue of King Zwelithini’s memorial service…” Afrika and Manyane¹³⁴, on the outcome of this Zulu reaction against Ramaphosa at the funeral, postulates that the police (and surely Ramaphosa himself as a Venda) failed to take into account the negative sentiment among many residents of Kwazulu-Natal regarding the person Ramaphosa: a negative sentiment that can get stronger now after peacemaker King Zwelithini’s death and the ongoing attack of the Ramaphosa regime on the Zulu leader Jacob Zuma. To see the so-called “rebellion” as only an effort to “embarras” Ramaphosa at the funeral, is an understatement in the extreme; it goes far deeper and deadlier: in the near future many similar cases of “whisking away through the back door” and the “cutting of mesh wire” for the ANC elite may follow to escape the angry citizens of South Africa.¹³⁴ Indeed, it is very late in our political history when the Black State President of South Africa must flee a crowd of Black South Africans; it has never happened since 1994.
To the above turmoil in popular criticism of the ruling ANC may be added the open and even hostile attack of Joel Netshitenzhe¹³⁶, an ANC “stalwart” and a member of the ANC’s NEC, on Ace Magashule and other members of the ANC’s Top Six and NEC on the 22^nd March 2021 when he writes (and clearly warns South Africans against some of the ANC elite!)^136:1: “South Africa beware: Ace Magashule’s RET faction will fight to the bitter end.” And, then in the same breath, he notes a dangerous, planned ANC-insider fight to come against the ostensible Magashule faction (falsely framed as the RETs) soon in South Africa. In order to obtain and hold onto political power by some members of the ANC-elite (a statement very much in line with the pre-1994 radical thinking of the ANC), he nonchalant writes to them^136:1: “…the battles must be deftly chosen, and the timing of each fight must be appropriate. Care must be taken not to allow the saboteurs to dictate the “what, when and how” of engagement. The fish should not be allowed to twist, turn and muddy the waters so as to slip out of the grip of the justice system.” Indeed, it spells chaos in a ruling party when one senior member calls other senior members of the party “saboteurs and seemingly crooks that try to flee the law”.
What is clear is that the present “unrest, sabotaging and rebellious actions” have now spread to a dangerous Black grouping — with a tribal orientation (i.e. Black-on-Black) — far removed from the days when it was an exclusive united-Black-attack on the Whites and their Apartheid as a common enemy. The enemy is now internal to Blacks themselves — varying from groupings to tribes with own clear interests versus some of the ANC elite also with their own interests — which can make the rising protests of 2021 far more dangerous, well-planned and targeted.
From the above it is clear that the road to a power change is laid out, lines are drawn and well-planned inside the student protests: it is only the tip of the iceberg that may tear through the Ramaphosa regime as well as the ANC soul. Other major crises can follow fast (and even be planned already). The challengers, opponents and distracters of Ramaphosa and his Company are looking for outlets overthrow him and his intimate cadres: Indeed, the signs are there that they intend to do it very quickly and very soon (and without mercy). As already mentioned, I believe that the process is unstoppable and indeed well-focussed and steered; Joel Netshitenzhe’s¹³⁶ request to stop the “saboteurs” will fall on deaf ears.
What will a physical cleansing of the Ramaphosa regime mean? Some see it as the arrival of cadres/comrades Ace Manacle, Jacob Zuma and Dlamini-Zuma as the new top leaders, which can mean for the already discriminated-against majority of Blacks and minority group of Whites further BAREE/BBBEE and Only-ANC-Black-Cadre-Lives-Matter, and thus their further suppression and exploitation. This fear seems to haunt John Steenhuisen⁸³, the present leader of the DA and others, making him spell it out as^83:20: “… a choice between handling SA over to a President magicube and a Vice-President Julius Malema and their extremist radical agenda that will take SA down the road to ruin, or finding solutions to entrench the rule of law, a market economy and non-racialism”.
The putative accession to power of manacle and Company as the new ANC leadership, could be the immediate outcome of a revolution or the expulsion of the Ramaphosa regime, but it will be of short duration. When going into revolution, the main objective of the mass of Blacks will be to totally oust the ANC and to install a stable, democratic regime.  Read again Johnson’s insights in 2016^29:243:

1. South Africa will not go into a Zimbabwe-type chaos because of the ANC’s failure and bad example as a regime; and
2. the South African Black majority wants to be a partner in a modern industrial economy and is a people of peace.

Johnson’s insights go further^29:243:

The fundamental reason why the question of regime change has to be posed is that it is now clear that South Africa can either choose to have an ANC government or it can have a modern industrial economy. It cannot have both. As this choice becomes more pressing, the ANC will pretend that only a few white capitalists want anything different from them, but the fact is that the overwhelming mass of South Africans of every colour cannot imagine – and certainly do not want – a future in which they are not part of a modern industrial society. As the pressures for regime change increase the ANC will certainly be tempted to rig elections to prevent change – it has already begun to do so – but the longer the movement attempts to hold back the huge majority which wants a different future, the more likely it is to be swept away altogether by the tide of change.

Referring to the postulated tide of change awaiting the ANC regime, I would like to note that in 1984 with the publishing of my first PhD, I postulated that the then National Party (NP) and its Apartheid regime will be swept away in time (which brought me as an academic and a researcher into immense conflict with and discrimination from the Nationalists and Broederbonders at my workplace); ten years later, in 1994, the NP and its corrupted leadership collapsed and indeed disappeared from the scene. Looking at the many similarities of political delinquencies between the NP and ANC, the chance is good that the ANC and its equally corrupted leadership can collapse before 2024 and will also disappear from the scene.⁸⁶
There is no doubt that the incoming tide of change after a revolution will fast sweep away the Magashules, Zumas, Mantashes, Ramaphosas and other kinds; all to be overtaken by a stable liberal-capitalistic democracy. The Joker Surprise must not be ruled from also sometimes bringing beneficent results: what had happened in the corrupted and despotic Portugal of Salazar is possibly going to happen here too. Let Johnson talk and guide us again in his wisdom ^29:244:

Finally, it seems to me that a fundamental fact of South African history is that the struggle for black liberation temporarily empowered a radical left elite without real roots in the black majority. That is, the situation is rather like Portugal after the overthrow of the fascist regime of Salazar Caetano by the Armed Forces Movement led by Major Otelo de Carvalho and Major Vitor Alves, both men of the revolutionary left. After more than 50 years of fascism, there briefly seemed to be the possibility that Portugal would lurch straight from the far right to the far left. But before long the underlying sociological realities asserted themselves. Portugal was, after all, a Catholic European country. In 1976 Mario Soares, a social democrat, was elected as president and thereafter the Portuguese were left with the familiar choice between Christian Democrat and social democrat.

To argue that South Africa’s failure since 1994 was directly because Blacks cannot or could not rule, is a falsity par excellence: It was solely the ANC as a party that failed South Africa and the nation because it became saturated by crooks, hooligans, scoundrels, nincompoops and their ilk: it became a magnet to attract the wrong people from 1994.¹¹¹ Johnson points out this reality when he posits^29:142:
One has only to look at next-door Botswana to see an impressive and democratic black government which, in less than 50 years, has taken Botswana from being the poorest country in the world to one which has overtaken South Africa in per capita income.
So the problem is not black government, it is ANC government. One could make a persuasive case that the very nature of the ANC’s history and struggle has systematically unfitted it to govern.
Johnson²⁹ tells us more about the suitability of South Africa’s majority of Blacks to be good partners in a good government post-2021 when he draws comparisons between the unpopularity of the ANC and the SACP and the benign culture of the majority of South Africans. He states^29:245: “…the ANC is actually strongly at variance with majority black opinion, let alone the opinion of the minorities. The evidence of all the opinion surveys is that support for the SACP has never risen above 2 per cent; that the black, white and coloured South Africans are overwhelmingly Christians; that most black opinion is socially conservative (far more so than white opinion), wanting the return of the death penalty, disliking abortion, taking a somewhat traditional view of women’s role, gay rights and so forth. Moreover, such surveys showed that a large majority of black opinion wanted consensus, not inter-racial conflict, and would like to see a solution backed by whites and the business community.”
I agree with Professor Johnson²⁹ in the belief of the possible advent of a South African regime change in the near future that will nullify ABCLM/BAREE/WARED, BBBEE and racial, age and gender discrimination; one that will initiate the functioning of the full-Research-circle of Completeness and will rehabilitate and restart dramatically our academic and research culture and environment. Most of all, the hope is to be able to take back our democratic rights from the many academic and research hooligans and nincompoops that not only blocked the reaching of a research utopia, but delinquently through ABCLM/BAREE/WARED are sending many hardworking and able full-time academics and researchers, as well as our grey-haired emeritus academics and researchers who are all currently making enormous contributions to universities’ publication lists and incomes, into the cold. Many have also left the country, as had happened in Iran under the extreme Islamic dictatorship there.¹²⁸
But this rehabilitation will need time: it can take much more time than the 27 years the ANC has had to run the country into the ground. To rehabilitate it, the Black liberal democrats will have to root out the politically deployed but incompetent ANC cadres from the civil service and the parastatals, while legislation needs to be introduced in the private sector to rid the crooked ANC elite from there too. Only then may an efficient government be activated, together with a working socio-economy, a sound democracy and institutions such as education which includes the universities.²⁹
Although my writing (as well to an extent that of Johnson²⁹, Mthombothi¹¹¹ and Jeffery⁷⁸) can be seen by the ANC regime as sedition against the ANC state in terms of the autocratic State of Emergency’s regulations and misused to act against all persons presently writing about the misdemeanors of the ANC state, the fall of the ANC regime and party is a reality that must be announced and helped to be hastened. Indeed, all the millions of honest citizens that are harmed by the ANC’s ABCLM/BAREE/WARED should talk and write about the elimination of the ANC and propagate it: it is not only their right, but indeed their duty.

3.3.3. Old-Age-Academia’s negative influences on modern-day research

To see only the ANC’s political delinquency as applied to the universities through ABCLM/ BAREE and WARED, which steer their corrupt “deployment” of Black cadres and comrades as events in the impediment of obtaining our full-Research-circle of Completeness, is incorrect. It is a far more profound and radical process whereby other role players, outside the inner circle of the ANC and its many willing practitioners of ABCLM/BAREE/WARED, are also involved to undermine quality research, as well as the creation of racism in research. Existing academics and research staff, Black and White, who are not directly involved in ANC politics are participate willingly in the process as collaborators, even where some of them reject the ANC’s policies and intentions. Their main actions are focussed on the upkeep of their outdated, old-age research traditions and academic empowerment; actions that include rejecting any renewal in research methods, information and approaches, such as the writing of books based on published theses, the publishing of accredited articles and the introduction of the article-thesis as a new research tool in the place of the traditional thesis. Many-times their resistance to hard work also appears to be a characteristic!
The passivity of this group of old-age academics and their utter failure to get actively involved in the various forms of research outputs on a daily basis, are a continuing process which is characterising their whole academic and research careers. This negativity can in some way be described as laziness and the typical behaviour, internalised in their mindsets and lifestyles over many years. However, it could also be a way of “keeping their heads down” and not give offense to the ANC’s dominant ideology. This contingent of academics is to some extent directly responsible for the less than 40% (which is declining further) of South African academics holding a PhD. Many of these academics and researchers hang on to their posts and stay neutral to the politics of ABCLM/BAREE/WARED-managers at universities, living the passive, old-age academia lifestyle of twenty and more years ago, waiting for retirement with a good pension. To get research-active or renew their knowledge and to support the practice of article and book writing, etc., is just a favour asked too much!
Since the introduction of ABCLM/BAREE/WARED many of the so-called old-age academics have supported it in some way, without too much exposure to the politics around it. Again, the opportunity is here to hang on to less productive research in this setup without annoying the new bosses at universities. On the other side there are undoubtedly White staff members who publicly strongly underwrites the ANC’s ABCLM/BAREE/WARED-policy. Some of this staff’s shelve-life is short-term renewed, essentially because of their specialist knowhow. Although they are also seen as part of the mass of Whites to get rid of in the near future in terms of the so-called race ratio and the ABCLM/BAREE/WARED policy (a setup with serious consequences for them but it seems most of these Whites cannot read well), they are at this stage endured (although not necessarily accepted) as a permanent staff component. This bizarre structure — one by definition that must exclude and suppress Whites due to rigid racial quotas — is still leaving many Whites in senior academic posts (as mentioned, mostly for ANC-opportunistic reasons), free from direct racial suppression by the ANC university leaderships. The only prerequisite is that they should continue with what they as academics and researchers want to do as dictated by their internalised old-age academic inclinations, but as long as it does not contradict the aims of ABCLM/BAREE/WARED or oppose the ANC’s other aims, intentions and ideology.
These White academics and researchers, those that form the so-called Old-Age-Academia, are seemingly motivated by an internalised research mindset that opposes any change to the traditional research culture and environment. This obstructive behaviour seems to be rooted in an unwillingness to work more and harder, as well as to renew skills and knowhow. Notable here is their direct opposition to the article-thesis and also their clear unwillingness to move away from the Research-circle of Incompleteness and to contribute to the consummation of the Research-circle of Completeness.
This “unproductive academic and research culture” has lingered on unchallenged for many decades in the universities’ research environment. Opportunism and self-enrichment have often been the motivations behind these mostly Whites’ academic lifestyle: excellent pay, nice working conditions, good pension awaiting, sometimes very senior appointments, etc. — in exchange for their loyalty to the ANC’s ideologies, such as underwriting and practising ABCLM/BAREE/WARED — making them of the same delinquent type as the ANC’s elite, cadres and comrades. Johnson’s²⁹ descriptions of the greedy mindsets of the cadres, the comrades and the bureaucratic bourgeoisie fit them well too. My earlier somewhat crude characterisation of their academic prostitution is perhaps not so far off the mark. Johnson writes^29:10: “This bureaucratic bourgeoisie is everywhere engaged in a frantic effort of primary accumulation and tends to fasten on rent-seeking opportunities in any direction – and, indeed, on a great deal of straightforward theft. Feeding the ravenous appetite of this class is a precondition for the retention of political power”.
How strong this sector of so-called Old-Age-Academia is worldwide and is at liberty to obstruct renewal of the academic and research culture, is reflected by the fact that for instance in the UK the article-thesis-PhD is classed as a junior doctorate [found under the classification of mid-level doctorates or the common PhD, and the so-called Higher Doctorates (DPhil. and DSc.) awarded for exceptional research]. Further testifying to the power of the old-age academics is their ruling that notwithstanding that there are doctoral descriptions included in some senior advanced technical degrees awarded by so-called technical universities, the holders of these awards are not allowed to use the title of Doctor (Dr). The same kind of rigid old-style academic traditions may be discerned in the ruling that foreigners holding a recognized PhD from their home country, are not allowed in some European countries to use the title “Dr” without authorisation. These kinds of small matters are emblematic of the planning, thinking and practice of the Old-Age Academia.^16-23
To immediately rid our academic and research culture of the Old-Age-Academia is surely not going to be easy. Its impediments to obtain full-Research-circle of Completeness have been internalised over centuries and are to a great extent at the moment kept in place by ABCLM/BAREE/WARED. These contaminations must simultaneously be removed to activate the Research-circle of Completeness and its good outcomes such as the writing of books and articles and the establishment of the article-format-thesis and -dissertation. But, as mentioned, these final outcomes will only be realised by the fast, immediate and total replacement of the present ANC regime with a responsible and cultured Black liberal-democratic government. Yes, there still will be and should be the ongoing empowerment of all South Africans at universities, either as students or as staff to erase to-day’s immense poverty, inequality and injustice, but it should be done with a King Solomon’s wisdom: doing justice to every single citizen and not to the cadres of the ANC’s Nebuchadnezzar’s schizophrenic madness of governing and the disrespect and grabbing of others’ rights and interests.

4. Conclusions

The unfortunate fact is that all of the public and semi-public systems of South Africa are in shambles: from the judicial to health, social services, education and most of all, the sound ruling daily of the country. Higher Education’s failed units of cadre management practice of
academics and research are just small parts of the massive mess and chaos in today’s South Africa. It is not only a government in crisis but an already-collapsed government, abusing its citizens in its death throes.^62-141
It is doubted that the present-day milieu of academic and research deviance will easily be phased out in the near future. The belief that widespread research in the present-day academic and research culture at universities, that are more and more determined by BAREE/WARED/ABCLM, is going to manifest, seems to be staying just a dream for the near future. ABCLM/BAREE/WARED’s politicization of universities whereby able White academics and researchers under 65 years of age, together with the above-65-year-old research fellows, extraordinary researchers and professors, are untimely excluded because of racism, political delinquency and professional jealousy, is pushing the advent of the Research-circle of Completeness decades back into the past.^62-141
The fact that the highest outputs of publications are coming from the academics in the age groups 50 to 70 years and secondly from the retired academics from the age group 70 and above, confirms the danger of ABCLM/BAREE/WARED with its focus on driving out especially White male academics and researchers. The same can be said of the exclusion but mostly keeping at a distance of able and well-trained Black academics and researchers by ABCLM from our universities. This research’s finding of the “extreme research passivity” reflected by many full-time academics at South African universities also pinpoints one of the reasons why less than 40% of academics have a PhD.^62-141
Prominently featuring in this research failure is the fact of the racial preference for the research careers of often under-performing BAREE/WARED/ABCLM-candidates at the cost of the careers of high-performing non-BAREE and non-ABCLM researchers to whom only limited financial support is given today (notwithstanding that the universities get R120 000-00 up to R124,000-00 subsidy per accredited article for these established researchers’ publications).  It is seemingly also expected more recently from non-permanent established researchers to finance most or all of their accredited research themselves at some universities (as I also found with the financing of this research project).
In closing Chapter 8, I must mention firstly, next to my negative opinion of the ANC regime because of its ABCLM/BAREE/WARED, my equally negative opinion of some of the old-aged and outdated traditional academics and researchers of the country (mostly White) who deliberately prevent the country’s research culture from reaching maturity. Here, surprisingly it seems, we find a remnant of the supposedly died-off WAREE still to be present. Their autocratic way of doing things, to maintain a false academic and research past, is their last convulsion of White empowerment that the ANCs allow them, solely to strengthen the aims of the ANC’s ABCLM/BAREE/WARED: in bad politics nothing bad is allowed without a bad reason.
Secondly, my negative opinion is also applicable to those Whites, especially Afrikaners, still working full-time in the higher hierarchy of the universities, who in their private inner circle condemn ABCLM/BAREE/WARED and the ANC regime, but in their public actions and talks at the universities’ top meetings, support with the greatest eagerness, willingness and enthusiasm ABCLM/BAREE/WARED as justified and correct. The slightest token of public support, even sympathy, for those White academics under attack and whose careers may even be destroyed in the country’s contaminated academic and research setup, is mostly absent.^62-141 It is here nothing else than a guilty Pontius Pilate’s action in the Jesus case with an: “I wash my hands in innocence.” (Unfortunately, very few of them know that Pontius Pilate ended his life as a Roman galley slave.). ABCLM/BAREE/WARED, it seems, has become part of their New Holy Academic Bible and their New Academic Lifestyle.
Very few academics and researchers have the integrity to criticise ABCLM/BAREE/WARED and to lay them bare, but instead prefer to stand neutral because of their own personal greed and self-empowerment (and possible the fear to lose all if taking an honest stand). We miss in the present-day academic and research culture persons such as the journalist, the late Karima Brown¹³⁷, who despised neutrality and thus persons unable to criticise delinquency and to take publicly a stand for justice. The journalist, Eusebius McKaiser¹³⁷, writes as follows on her personal integrity^137:21: “She eschewed notions of neutrality in journalism. She believed, rightly or wrongly, that journalism should be in service of justice. She always said journalists should not be stenographers.”
The discrimination that many of the established university researchers must face daily in the South African tertiary education, might well be understood from the writings of Professor Sipho Seepe¹³⁸. Seepe,¹³⁸ a man opinionated, insightful and committed to truth (and one of the country’s few academic equivalents of Karima Brown¹³⁷ still left in our present-day academia), posits^138:61: “In Dickensian terminology, South Africa is going through the worst of times. Ours is an age of foolishness, a season of darkness and a winter of despair. It is a period in which groupthink has unleashed all forms of violence on our senses. The best minds have suspended their intellect to advance narrow political agendas. In the process, the interests of their handlers have subordinated those of the country.”
The tragic element of the present dysfunctional research culture, as Seepe¹³⁸ clearly pinpointed and defined it (and I described as ABCLM/BAREE/WARED), is that the best of our academic and research minds became contaminated, naively captured by the Political Beast Raka, born by the ANC. This manipulated groupthink making them totally unable and incapable to recognise and to observe the chaos in which they find themselves: they have become People of the Moment (Oombliksmense), who are lacking future vision, realism and integrity. This kind of delinquent mind-capturing and steering through well-planned political and social-engineering, we saw under the Nazis, the Fascists, the Stalinist Soviet, the NP-Apartheid government and currently under the Chinese-Communist and North-Korean Communist regimes. It spells academic and research doom for our research culture and environment. [Thankfully for people such as Professor Seepe,¹³⁸ as well as myself, the presence of the contaminated political mind of today is not one of permanence but disappears as people come and go, although the process takes time].
Although it seems to be reasoned by some of the universities’ top managements (where the vice-chancellor and many of the other seniors members are mostly Black) that there is still in the present transformation some place for the capable White (even the above-65-year-olds), it is apparently with a clear prerequisite, as the appointment of a 69-year-old designated White male to summarily replace a Black female deputy vice-chancellor recently, confirmed: it is and can be only temporarily as a rescue-operation of universities’ short and long-term interests.^139-141 Evans¹³⁹, on the reaction of the vice-chancellor of the specific university to critics of this appointment, in this context writes^140:1: “It is deeply problematic to suggest that the ability of members to serve the university for a limited acting period can only be on the basis of their race, age and gender. It is a skewed and incorrect view of transformation.” Important to note here are the words “a limited acting period” as exclusively applicable to Whites’ appointments, erasing the principle of non-discrimination on the basis of race, age, gender and permanence of appointments as guided by ABCLM/BAREE/WARED.
Over many centuries brilliant scientists were driven out of their learned communities by their brethren, even murdered sometimes; because they lived in an unscientific world, saturated in barbarism, witchcraft, evil-minded persons, and many times politicians who were seized by political madness. Today, in 2021, equally brilliant scientists, academics and researchers are still being driven out of South African universities, but this time tragically by political and racial foolishness; sorry to say, this outcome seems to be again in the class of political barbarism and madness. The ANC has learned a lot from the notorious and blood-stained Chinese Cultural Revolution of the 1960s on how to manage and to control learned and good people.

• Retrospective of articles 1 to 8

Although my main intention with the offering of the collection of these eight articles was to introduce the novice student, supervisor and examiner in-depth to the delivery of the article-format-thesis and -dissertation, the delivery of the journal article, the book and the comprehensive research project, went it further: to show out the easiness with which the article-format-thesis can be written and delivered. Now, at the close of this last article in this series of eight, when collecting them into a research-unity, it fully complies with the basic  requirements prescribed for an eight-article-format-doctorate. If I could do such an exercise, the “averagely brilliant” student can do it much, much better.
I know very well that my research will not change the present problematic academic and research groupthink, neither will I convince our country’s best academic and research minds who have suspended their intellect to advance the narrow political agendas of their handlers, to become partners in the Research-circle of Completeness; but, despite this, I dearly trust that readers will benefit from the data.

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