Summary

This article asserts that child sexual abuse (CSA) is a growing epidemic in South Africa, using the 2015 Afrikaans film Dis ek, Anna to highlight the dysfunctionality of the South African justice system and the challenges faced by survivors and their families. The study focuses on the prevalence of CSA, specifically emphasising economic variables and excluding broader socio-cultural influences for specificity. It explores the enduring effects of CSA on survivors, citing alarming statistics and specific cases, such as infant rape, to underscore the persistent prevalence of sexual violence. The research identifies environmental and psychological barriers hindering the reporting of incidents, contextualising CSA within historical, socio-economic, socio-political, and cultural factors, recognising systemic challenges like a beleaguered justice system and entrenched past patriarchal structures influenced by systems such as apartheid. Furthermore, the investigation delves into vigilantism as a response to CSA, cautioning against the risks of extrajudicial actions leading to violence and a breakdown of legal frameworks. The film Dis ek, Anna is analysed for its portrayal of individual vigilantism, offering insights into the cyclical nature of violence and the perceived shortcomings of the legal system. The research identifies emotional catharsis and individual empowerment as essential elements in the healing process, providing a comprehensive examination of CSA in South Africa.

Key words

CSA, Dis ek, Anna, South Africa, apartheid, socio-economic, socio-politic, South African justice system, trauma, vigilantism.

1. Introduction

The assertion posited in this academic study suggests that, employing the illustrative lens of the 2015 Afrikaans film Dis ek, Anna (It is me, Anna) (2015), CSA poses unique challenges within the South African context. The article explores the relentless pursuit of justice by victims of CSA and their families within the context of a dysfunctional South African justice system, thereby shedding light on the challenges they face. Consequently, the argument delineates the emergence and rationale behind individual vigilantes and community vigilante groups, positing that these entities have arisen in response to the perceived inadequacies of law enforcement mechanisms in apprehending and confronting perpetrators of CSA. The article draws attention to the prevalence of CSA within the South African context. The contention is that the cinematics of Dis ek, Anna mirrors the broader societal reality, where instances of CSA and rape persist as a formidable and escalating challenge.

Firstly, the phenomenon of CSA and rape of children is examined, coupled with an inquiry into its causative factors. These factors embrace CSA of children in the South African context with specific focus on the influence of apartheid culture. Factors such as patriarchy, dysfunctional law enforcement, sexual practices involving virgins and the prevalence of HIV/AIDS, have been deliberately omitted from the investigation. The rationale behind this selective approach lies in the primary focus on economic dynamics, wherein a more specialised and nuanced analysis of socio-economic phenomena is sought. Consequently, the study confines itself to the examination of economic variables and their interplay, sidestepping the broader socio-cultural influences.

Secondly, the pursuit of justice for victims of CSA and rape within the constraints of a flawed justice system is examined. The inquiry is multifaceted, exposing insufficient support services for CSA victims and the potential trauma inflicted by a lack of sensitivity towards the child victim. The vulnerabilities of children from underprivileged communities who lack legal protection, are highlighted. It is shown how the shortcomings of legal frameworks, ostensibly designed to safeguard victims, impede the effective prosecution of perpetrators. Gaps or loopholes within these frameworks create challenges in ensuring comprehensive protection for victims. Moreover, instances of corruption within the justice system pose a formidable threat, eroding the credibility of investigations and court proceedings. This erosion, in turn, engenders a pervasive lack of trust in the system’s capacity to dispense justice. Extant studies, discussed in the investigation, highlight the plight of CSA victims who encounter secondary victimisation during their efforts to seek assistance from law enforcement, authorities, criminal justice officials in court settings, and correctional services. Furthermore, this investigation maintains a focus on the film’s narrative, emphasising instances where aid was conspicuously absent for the depicted victims. However, it is imperative to acknowledge that the scope of this study does not extend to the exploration of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and governmental entities actively engaged in ameliorating these systemic shortcomings. Future research endeavours should contemplate a more comprehensive examination of the collaborative efforts undertaken by NGOs and governmental groups to facilitate a smoother and more supportive process for victims navigating the intricate terrain of justice-seeking in the aftermath of CSA.

Thirdly, the article elucidates the phenomenon of vigilantism as it pertains to the realm of CSA. In the context of this inquiry, vigilantism is construed as unsanctioned and frequently extrajudicial actions carried out by single individuals or collective entities. The primary objective of these actions is to redress or counter instances of CSA and rape. The investigation illustrates how vigilantism may culminate in acts of physical violence perpetrated by community members or individuals against those accused of CSA. In some extreme cases, the repercussions may extend to lethal outcomes, whereby accused individuals face severe harm or even death without the benefit of due legal process.

Dis ek, Anna is a film directed by Sara Blecher, scripted by Tertius Kapp and draws its narrative inspiration from Anchien Trotskie’s dramatised autobiographical work, Dis ek, Anna (2011) written under the pseudonym Elbie Lötter. Blecher’s cinematic venture adeptly navigates the sensitive and often stigmatised subject of CSA and child rape within certain South African communities by unfolding the disconcerting chronicle of Anna and the rape and murder of infant Crystal with compassion and poignancy. The cinematic narrative of the Afrikaans film Dis ek, Anna (It is me, Anna) (2015) is cinematically woven into this study to provide a tangible illustration of the complex and often devastating realities of CSA. The film serves as a practical application, offering a narrative that encapsulates the emotional turmoil and interpersonal struggles.

The characters in Dis ek, Anna is central to the film’s exploration of the failures of the legal system in addressing cases of CSA. Anna, portrayed by Charlenè Brouwer, becomes a vigilante seeking retribution for the abuses she suffered at the hands of her stepfather Danie, casted by Morné Visser. Frustrated by the perceived inadequacies of the formal legal process and driven by a desire for personal agency, Anna embarks on a mission to hold her and her sister’s abuser accountable. Anna’s younger sister, still a minor at the time, ran away from home due to the emotional impact of the sexual abuse. Tragically, the distress proved overwhelming, leading to her untimely suicide. The filmic narrative of Dis ek, Anna extends beyond the portrayal of Anna as a vigilante; it also includes the character of Mr Draghoender, the father of Crystal, casted as Elton Landrew. In the film he is the murderer of his raped baby girl’s killer within the brown community situated outside Bloemfontein. This dual narrative thread provides a multifaceted exploration of vigilantism, involving the responses of both Anna and the bereaved father to heinous acts committed against their loved ones. The film strategically weaves the storylines of Anna and the father of Crystal, constructing a narrative needlepoint that underscores the pervasive nature of injustice and the varied responses it elicits within distinct communities.

2. The sexual abuse of children

In a pivotal development, the United Nations officially designated November 18, 2022, as the World Day for the Prevention of and Healing from Child Sexual Exploitation, Abuse, and Violence, as declared on November 15, 2022 (Chan 2022, p. 1). This initiative is designed to garner global attention and acknowledgment of the pervasive trauma associated with CSA, urging governmental actions against this widespread issue. According to the World Health Organisation (WHO 2022, p. 1), millions of children are exposed to the harrowing experience of sexual violence annually, underscoring the urgent need for comprehensive preventative measures.

The establishment of the World Day for the Prevention of and Healing from Child Sexual Exploitation, Abuse, and Violence recognises the gravity of this issue on a global scale and serves as a rallying point for coordinated efforts in prevention, intervention, and healing (Chan 2022, p. 1). The academic community, with its commitment to evidence-based approaches, plays a crucial role in advancing understanding and advocating for policies and practices that safeguard the well-being of children.

There are many countries attempting strategies against CSA, and in the second iteration of the Out of the Shadows Index 2020, the United Kingdom (UK), France, and Sweden emerged as leaders, each demonstrating commendable achievements in addressing child sexual exploitation and abuse (CSEA) (Out of the Shadows Index 2022, p. 11). These achievements underscore the significance of proactive policies, comprehensive prevention strategies, and robust legal frameworks.

The brutal facts are that Child Sexual Exploitation and Abuse (CSEA) is a pervasive issue affecting more than 400 million children globally each year (News and Insights 2023, p. 1). This alarming statistic underscores the magnitude of a crisis that not only inflicts immediate harm but also casts a long shadow, leaving indelible physical and emotional scars on the victims (Out of the Shadows Index 2022, p. 2-3). The repercussions extend beyond the immediate trauma, preventing victims from realising their full potential and aspirations. Compounding this already grave situation is the exacerbation of the problem, fuelled by the challenges imposed by the COVID-19 pandemic (End Violence Against Chlldren 2020, p. 1-3).

CSA has endured as a pervasive phenomenon for centuries (Olafson and Corwin 1993, p. 8-10). Despite concerted global interventions aimed at combatting CSA, it remains endemic in numerous third-world nations (United Nations 2022, p. 1). The scholarly exploration of the sexual abuse of children necessitates an exploration of the definition of child molestation. Several years ago Ruth and Henry Kempe (1978, p. 60) provided a foundational definition, asserting that child molestation involves the engagement of dependent, developmentally immature children and adolescents in sexual activities that transcend their full comprehension, impede their capacity to provide informed consent, or contravene established social taboos or familial roles. This comprehensive characterisation serves as a pivotal reference point in comprehending the multifaceted nature of CSA. The definition of Melmer and Gutovitz elucidates various facets of CSA, circumscribing both injury-physical and non-injury dimensions:

Sexual abuse of children is the involvement of children or adolescents in sexual activities that he or she does not fully comprehend and can include exhibitionism, fondling, oral-genital contact, and rectal or vaginal penetration… but not limited to pain, anogenital bleeding, vaginal/urethral discharge, dysuria, urinary tract infection, sexualized behavior, and suicidality are possible. (Melmer et al 2022, p. 1).

CSA, a serious violation of a child’s well-being and safety, surrounding various forms of harm or mistreatment directed towards those under 18 years old (United Nations 2018, p. vi). The manifestations of child abuse are diverse and frequently co-occur. As articulated by Ackard and Neumark-Sztainer (2002, p. 456), the definition of “CSA” denotes an unwelcome sexual encounter, explicitly excluding instances characterised by penetration and classified as rape. Consequently, it is discernible that the term “CSA” is delimited to experiences falling short of acts constituting rape, comprises any form of sexual activity involving a child. Non-contact sexual abuse involves exposing a child to sexual content, filming or observing a child in a sexual context, sexually harassing a child is indirect sexual abuse, or engaging a child in prostitution or sex trafficking (Mayo Clinic 2023, p. 1).

The WHO provides a comprehensive delineation, defining child abuse and maltreatment as “all forms of physical and/or emotional ill-treatment, sexual abuse, neglect or negligent treatment, or commercial or other exploitation, resulting in actual or potential harm to the child’s health, survival, development, or dignity in the context of a relationship of responsibility, trust, or power.” (WHO 2022, p. 1). Academics Srivastava, Chaudhury, Bhat, and Patkar (2017, p. 1) argues regrettably, child abuse permeates societies worldwide, manifesting in myriad forms comprising physical, sexual, psychological, and economic transgressions.

CSA leaves profound and enduring effects on survivors. Ratican (1992, p. 33-38) posits that survivors of CSA often battle with pervasive Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), guilt and shame, physical consequences, such as transmitted diseases and pregnancy, depression, anxiety, eating disorders, and suicide attempts and memory disablement (Gupta, Singh and Garg 2020, p. 6-7). A comparative study by McNew and Abell (1995, p. 115-126) reveals that CSA-induced posttraumatic stress symptoms parallel those found in war-related trauma, underscoring the profound and enduring impact of CSA on mental health.

Children are left at the mercy of adults and in some cases, as in the case of sexual molestation, their human rights are violated (Herman and Hirschman 1977, p. 735-56). Consequently, sexual intercourse between children and adults is based on the integral power difference between the two parties (Groth and Wolbert Burgess 1980, p. 79) and the perpetrators use this power over children to criminally involve victims in indecent sexual acts. The occurrence of such an atrocious act, children cannot hardly be to blame that their attire could be interpreted as provocative. The pervasive myth of ‘no means yes’ loses its applicability and coherence when confronted with the stark reality of child sexual assault (Dutton 2010, p. 5).

During the fim Dis ek, Anna, Anna’s first rape by her stepfather takes place at the age of eleven. A significant cinematic storytelling technique Blecher applies at this instance in the film is the nuanced art of narrative implication and the suggestion stands as a compelling strategy employed by her to address the traumatic scene without resorting to explicit depictions. This deliberate pictorial technique fosters an environment wherein the audience is prompted to infer the unfolding events, leveraging the power of their imagination to construct the narrative without the imposition of graphic details.

A traumatic consequence of the sexual abuse was that she became pregnant with the abuser’s child at the age of sixteen. The trauma caused by these events caused estrangement between her and her mother from a tender age and negatively affected her ability to form healthy relationships. In her formative years, the subject concealed evidence of abuse, symbolised by stained undergarments surreptitiously placed within the confines of the washing machine. The act of hiding such intimate artifacts underscores the profound isolation experienced by the individual, perpetuating a cycle of silence and secrecy. This concealment, however, became a poignant revelation when witnessed by the domestic worker, introducing an unintended layer of exposure to the private torment. The narrative further unfolds as attempts to seek intervention through ecclesiastical channels prove futile. The endeavour to confide in the church’s clergy, specifically the dominee, about the persistent abuse is met with insurmountable barriers. This aspect underscores the systemic challenges and barriers to disclosure within religious institutions, where victims often encounter a lack of responsiveness or efficacy in addressing matters of abuse.

During Anna’s flashback scenes, Blecher’s uses of colour schemes, especially within the context of the sombre flashback of her abuse, represents a deliberate and nuanced artistic choice to convey narrative depth, emotional resonance, and thematic coherence. The muted, earthy tones create a visual atmosphere that aligns with the melancholic or reflective nature often associated with this grave narrative. In cinematic discourse, the deliberate utilisation of hazy filters by Blecher serves as a technique aimed at instilling a sense of melancholia within Anna’s visual narrative. This stylistic choice reflects a nuanced approach to storytelling – what she can remember and about the abuses, as the director strategically employs visual elements to evoke a mood of poignant reflection and emotional depth. The introduction of hazy filters, characterised by a diffusion of light and a softened focus, imparts a dreamlike quality to the visual composition, contributing to an ethereal and introspective atmosphere.

This cinematographic strategy aligns with Blecher’s intention to manipulate the memory language of the film, transcending the literal depiction of scenes and delving into the realm of Anna’s memory resonance. The hazy filters function as a perceptual lens, not merely capturing the narrative’s events but imbuing them with a subjective and contemplative quality. Through this deliberate manipulation of visual aesthetics, Blecher engages the audience in an immersive experience that transcends the boundaries of narrative convention, prompting a nuanced exploration of Anna’s internal states and the overarching thematic elements of melancholia within the filmic story.

Using Dis ek, Anna’s flashback and backstories as an illustration to unpack CSA, it is significant to regard that sexual violence against children is a distressing societal concern that can manifest within the confines of the home and intensify as children venture into the broader social sphere, particularly as they commence formal education (Mathews and Makola 2020, p. 2). This issue underscores the complex interplay of environmental factors and the psychological barriers that impede the reporting of such incidents.

2.2. The sexual abuse of children in South Africa

South Africa finds itself amidst a crisis of CSA, prompting legal authorities to urgently enlist community support. The South African Police Service (SAPS) Quarter Crime Statistics of 23 November 2022 read:

“Fellow citizens,

The crime statistics again show that we as communities continue to fail to protect some of the most vulnerable in society; our children.
Last month, the kidnapping, rape and brutal murder of four-year-old Bokgabo Poo shocked the nation and the world.
A four year old with so much to live for and look forward to, her life cut short by a man who has since been arrested.
Shockingly, in just six months, 558 children were killed in South Africa from April to the end of September 2022.
Police are investigating attempted murder dockets of 294 children from July to September 2022.
1 895 Assault GBH cases, with children as victims, were opened with the police during this reporting period.
It is on this note, that the SAPS continues to prioritize Gender-Based Violence and Femicide (GBVF) related crimes.” (SASP 2022, p. 1).

The available South African data is alarming: Children are the victims in more than 45% of all rape cases reported in South Africa (Development of a national accessible help and support network for victims of rape and sexual abuse ,n.d, p. 11). According to statistics, 17 118 children were raped in South Africa during 2019/2020 and 3 727 were sexually assaulted (Parliament of the Republic of South Africa 2020, p. 3). More recent statistics released by Beki Cele, the Minister of Police, show that 9 518 individuals were raped between January 2021 and March 2021 (Mkhwanazi 2021, p. 1). These statistics do not show the number of child rapes, but it can be assumed that a number of victims were indeed children. In 2018, Zakhele Mbhele, the DA shadow minister of police, said that as many as 46 children are raped daily in South Africa and that two children are murdered every day (SAPeople News 2018, p. 1). Only 21% of defendants charged with child rape and one in three charged with infanticide are successfully prosecuted. The Optimus study determines that the incidence of sexual molestation of minors in South Africa is higher than elsewhere in the world (Children’s Institute 2019, p. 1).

The prevailing data concerning sexual violence against children in South Africa paints a disconcerting picture. The World Health Organization (WHO) (2006, p. 1) claims that the defenceless social conditions in which many South African minors live increase the risk of sexual molestation of such children. A sample of 6 893 rape incidents revealed that 4 130 of the cases took place in the home of the victim or the alleged rapist (BusinessTech 2021, p. 1). According to Norman, Schneider, Bradshaw, Abrahams and Matzopoulos (2010, p. 832), violence is common in South African society and the country shows the highest prevalence of violence in the world. From this it can be deduced that South Africa is also at the top of the list of the global incidence of such crimes with regard to the occurrence of sexual violence crimes against minors (Jefthas and Artz 2007, p. 37).

A recent local narrative echoes the resonance of CSA in a contemporary context. On 8 June 2023, in a deeply distressing incident, Gauteng police apprehended a 36-year old resident of Carletonville in connection with the rape and subsequent death of his eight-day old daughter (Solomons 2023, p. 1). Police spokesperson Lieutenant Colonel Mavela Masondo provided details on the horrifying occurrence, stating that the incident transpired more than a week prior, specifically on 8 June in Welverdiend. The suspect, identified as the father of the victim, reportedly took the infant from her mother’s care on the aforementioned date and departed their residence in Welverdiend. Subsequently, upon the father’s return later in the day, the child was returned to the mother in a state of injury. The mother took the child to the nearest medical facility, where a medical practitioner confirmed the occurrence of rape. Tragically, due to the severity of the infant’s injuries, she succumbed to them the following day. Local residents of Welverdiend, as reported by the Carletonville Herald, expressed shock, disbelief, and outrage at the heinous act. The accused, who has a documented history of previous clashes with the law for various offences, has reportedly confessed to the crime (Solomons 2023, p. 1).

Babies, being the most defenceless members of society, are particularly susceptible to CSA and other violent crimes, given their profound helplessness and lack of capacity to fend off perpetrators (Peaceful Parenting 2002, p. 1). Crystal, the baby featured in Dis ek Anna, as a representative figure, encapsulates the tragic reality faced by thousands of infants who constitute a distressing segment of South African statistics pertaining to violent crimes against children. The plight of these vulnerable individuals underscores the urgent need for comprehensive societal measures to address the multifaceted factors contributing to the abuse of minors, accentuating the inextricable link between socio-political conditions and the prevalence of such crimes in the South African context. The rape of Baby Tshepang, is indeed a tragic and horrifying incident that occurred in September 2001 in South Africa. Tshepang was a nine-month old baby who became a victim of sexual assault, gang raped by nine adult men, sparking outrage and drawing attention to the disturbing issue of baby rape in the country (Richer 2004, p. 10). The incident highlighted a deeply troubling trend of sexual violence against infants, with several more cases reported in the aftermath of Tshepang’s assault (Richer 2004, p. 10). The motives behind such odious crimes are complex and often linked to cultural beliefs and myths. One such myth is the misguided belief that having sex with a virgin, even an infant, could cure HIV/AIDS (Human Rights Watch 2001:1). This misconception has contributed to the vulnerability of young children to sexual abuse.

The sexual abuse of children in South Africa is rooted in a complex interplay of historical, socio-economic, socio-political, and cultural factors (Savahl, Adams and Hoosen 2023, p. 2316-2320). The alarming prevalence of this crime is exacerbated by a range of systemic challenges, including an ineffective police service (Petrus, n.d, p. 1), a beleaguered justice system (Dunn 1998, p. 1), and deeply entrenched patriarchal structures (Ramiah 2019, p. 28) that perpetuate the oppression of women and children. CSA in South Africa is intricately linked to a multitude of factors, reflecting a complex interplay of socio-economic challenges and historical legacies. Among these factors are extreme poverty (Martin 2012, p. 217-234), the breakdown of family structures (Seme 2020, p. 23), single parenthood (Child Welfare Information Gateway Chapter Five. n.d, p. 30), insufficient and irregular primary care (Ngidi and Mayeza 2023, p. 1), and reliance on foster childcare (Mnisi and Botha 2016, p. 239).

Understanding the historical context is vital in comprehending the multifaceted roots of CSA in South Africa. The lingering effects of past policies such as apartheid contribute to the ongoing challenges, accentuating the need for targeted interventions that address both contemporary socio-economic issues and historical inequalities to effectively combat CSA in the country.

Some researchers argue that men also rape children to prevent them from infecting older women with the virus. As young virgins are widely believed to be HIV/AIDS free, older men are increasingly interested in sexual acts with minors these days, whether the girl is willing or not (although it is argued that a minor cannot legally consent to sex with an adult) (Kelly 2000, p. 18). It is not clear where the myth comes from, but some experts believe that traditional healers are responsible for the rumours (Murphy 1998, p. 1). Jean Redpath (2000, p. 23-5) confirms that this myth and the sexual molestation that may arise from it have a tremendous emotional impact on the victims and that it must be rooted out through media campaigns and HIV/AIDS education programs. This study agrees with Stephanie Schutte (Redpath 2000, p. 23-5), a therapist working at Childline in the Western Cape, who believes that the increase in infant rapes is openly related to the way HIV/AIDS is understood by the community: “The belief is that the cleanliness and purity of the child will strip the virus away. Women in the community are telling us that both girls and boys are being raped because of this belief.” It should also be mentioned that the victim in this case could possibly be set on by the HIV-positive perpetrator if he rapes her because he believes that sex with a virgin can cure the disease. The consequences therefore do not stop at the immense trauma experienced by the victim. It is not hard to believe that the baby Crystal may have been raped because of this myth.

The social milieu in which a child is raised undoubtedly exerts a significant influence on the vulnerability of the child to abuse, with socio-political conditions serving as a complex interplay of social and political factors that can amplify the risk of sexual crimes against children. The WHO (2006, p. 1) posits that the precarious social circumstances prevalent among many South African minors contribute to and escalate the susceptibility of such children to sexual molestation.

In the South African context, an unsettling reality unfolds concerning the heightened vulnerability of black and coloured children to sexual abuse in comparison to their white counterparts. Although a larger portion of reported cases emanates from these groups, it is imperative to note that the incidence of molestation is proportionally higher among black and coloured children. This disproportionate risk can be attributed to the socio-economic disadvantages and elevated exposure to other high-risk factors prevalent in these communities (Optimus Study 2016, p. 46).

In South Africa, a concerning situation has emerged where the incidence of rape involving infants and toddlers, specifically children under the age of 3, has escalated to levels described as reaching epidemic proportions (Richter 2003, p. 393). A local example of infant rape is one which occurred in August 2020 by a 62-year-old man accused of raping a 15-month old baby in his bed (Zwendi 2020, p. 1). The buttons on the babies’ clothes were undone and her nappy was stained with blood. A health care worker stated that the baby’s hymen was no longer in place and that a tear was discovered in her vagina. This is reminiscent of the striking scene in Dis ek, Anna where the bloody blankets serve as a subtle visual suggestion and representation of the harmed body of Crystal and her injured dead body. Selective framing is utilised as a cinematographic method where Blecher purposefully exercises selectivity in determining the elements to incorporate and omit within the visual frame.

Her deliberate choices manifest in the conscious inclusion of a dishevelled bed adorned with blood-stained and creased linen, as well as a mirror case, all presented within the framework of a medium pan shot. These compositional decisions serve as intentional cues that direct the audience’s focus and elicit sensations of astonishment and regret. The brief visualisation of Detective Webber confronting the mutilated body of infant Crystal within the scene tactfully engages with a sensitive and distressing subject matter. Instead of explicitly depicting the traumatic event, Blecher uses selective framing to focus on the reactions of characters in the room. This approach allows the audience to witness the emotional impact of events without necessarily showing explicit details.

Like what happened with Crystal, the rape of babies is exceptionally cruel as the perpetrator, in order to penetrate the vagina, must perform an extreme mutilation wherein the perineum is intentionally split. This mutilation creates an opening between the vagina and anal canal by violently forcing in an implement such as a finger, knife, or a similar sharp object. This is fatal for a baby and is probably what happened to Crystal (Pitcher and Bowley 2002, p. 274). In Crystal’s case, it can be deduced from the definition of the sexual abuse and rape, even murder of children as well as contributing factors that the sexual abuse rather relates to the difference in power between the victim and perpetrator and the inability of the minor to voluntarily consent to sexual acts (Reynaert 2015, p. 180).

Renowned for her discerning storytelling, Blecher purposefully introduced the character of Baby Crystal into her narrative, aiming to juxtapose instances of CSA within divergent socio-economic households. Through this narrative choice, Blecher illuminates the contrasting environments in which such abuse transpires. Notably, Anna’s unfortunate encounters unfolds in a middle-class family where, fortunately, she manages to escape the clutches of her abuser – however, her sister does not. In stark contrast, Baby Crystal’s narrative paints a harrowing picture of ruthlessness and murder within her abusive circumstances. The inclusion of Crystal’s story becomes a vehicle through which Blecher addresses the multifaceted nature of CSA, highlighting its varying manifestations and impacts across different social strata. The inclusion of Baby Crystal serves as a poignant narrative choice within the context of the film, prompting an exploration into the motivations behind this decision and the cinematic elements employed to memorialise her death scene.

The character of Baby Crystal likely serves as a symbolic representation, embodying broader societal issues or personal struggles relevant to the film’s thematic core. This representative use of characters is a common narrative technique employed by Blecher to convey deeper meanings and evoke emotional responses from the audience. The framing, composition, and camera movements during Baby Crystal’s death, in this depiction, scant emphasis is placed on her bundles of blue blankets and bloody remains, with the camera swiftly panning, briefly pausing to allow the viewer to slightly observe, before smoothly gliding over the bed once more. This evokes specific emotions and underline key elements, contributing to the overall impact of how many babies are raped per day in South Africa. Blecher builds a character arc, she frames a development of characters connected to Baby Crystal, as well as their reactions and responses to her death, and these characters consist of Detective Webber, the police sergeant Jantjies, Crystal’s parents and the community. This arc contributes to the scene’s memorialisation. Character arcs can serve as a powerful tool to engage the audience emotionally and thematically.

In the cinematic portrayal of Dis ek, Anna, Anna, as an eleven-year old dependent protagonist, places her newfound trust in her stepfather. Mathews (2020, p. 1-2), and Yesefu (2020, p. 137) agree that in instances of rape and murder concerning children, the prevailing trend indicates that the most common perpetrators are individuals with pre-existing relationships with the victims, notably family members (27.1%) and acquaintances (37.5%). This pattern aligns with the broader context of violence against children, which frequently occurs within the framework of domestic and familial settings (Mathews 2020, p. 1-2). The delay in reporting the abusive situation to the dominee, as opposed to immediate disclosure, can be attributed to a multifaceted set of considerations. These include apprehensions about potential homelessness if Danie were to retaliate, anxiety over the prospect of her biological alcoholic father reacting violently towards Danie, internalised guilt, explicit threats from the perpetrator, a pervasive sense of powerlessness, and the impact of societal or cultural norms. Anna’s decision to withhold information regarding the abuse reflects a distinctive experience shaped by intricate interactions of psychological, emotional, and external factors during her formative years. South African children, like Anna, face susceptibility to injuries, embracing in many cases deliberate harm.

2.3. CSA and apartheid

The heightened susceptibility of children to sexual violence is often intricately intertwined with multifaceted societal factors, where the convergence of significant community impoverishment, entrenched patriarchal power structures, and cultural and political elements create a social landscape that amplifies the vulnerability of minors to such atrocities (Pitcher and Bowley 2002, p. 274-5). Ané Jooste (2020, p. 71) corroborates this perspective by asserting that the endemic nature of sexual crimes in South Africa is a direct consequence of unstable socio-political, socio-economic, and socio-cultural conditions. The prevailing socio-political climate, marked by violence since the shift from apartheid to democracy, not only engenders adverse living conditions for many minors but also provides a fertile ground for the sexual exploitation of children (Petersen 2010, p. 1). This is vividly depicted in Dis ek, Anna where impoverishment and unfavourable socio-economic circumstances contribute to the disturbing prevalence of child rape. The film portrays an enraged and anguished crowd surrounding the crime scene outside Mr Daghoender’s home, demanding answers from Detective Webber and illustrating the routine occurrence of rape against women and children within the community. Blecher uses a dynamic camera movement which aims to evoke a visceral and immersive experience for the audience by placing them within the chaotic and tumultuous environment of the angry crowd. She also employs close-up shots of Detective Webber to emphasise his vulnerability and the overwhelming nature of the approaching threat. At this juncture, Detective Webber is unaware of the circumstances that await him at the crime scene.

A deeper exploration of the context of violence in South Africa, as articulated by Saferspaces (2020, p. 1), reveals a consensus among researchers that the crux of the country’s violence and crime predicament lies in a pervasive culture of violence. The authors argue that understanding this culture necessitates contextualising it within the framework of South Africa’s extremely violent past, particularly during the era of legal apartheid. The lingering repercussions of this violent historical period are palpable in contemporary society, manifesting in the alarming prevalence of sexual violence against children in marginalised regions like the Cape Plains (Weber and Bowers-Du Toit 2018, p. 3). It is conceivable that the enduring social consequences of the apartheid culture of violence, which historically depicted men as both violent and authoritarian, contribute significantly to the disturbing phenomenon of rape targeting infants and young girls in South Africa (Bridger 2023, p. 1,4-7). This cultural legacy perpetuates a cycle wherein men are cast in roles that normalise violence, fostering an environment conducive to the exploitation of the most vulnerable members of society.

The institutionalisation of apartheid in South Africa ushered in a social structure wherein a significant portion of the population was systematically deprived of economic, social, and human rights solely on the basis of their racial classification as non-white (Governance and Administration. n.d, p. 20). This delineation resulted in the relegation of a substantial portion of the non-white populace to conditions of abject poverty, residing precariously just above the subsistence level (South African History Online 2016, p. 1). The repercussions of this marginalisation, however, extended beyond economic disenfranchisement to include pervasive violence perpetrated by the state, particularly by the police force, throughout South Africa’s history, dating back to the era of colonialism (O’Malley. n.d, p. 1).

The historical trajectory of police violence against black communities is emblematic of the broader South African experience. Notable instances include the brutal police crackdown during the Soweto uprising in 1976 (Houston, Dipholo, and Pophiwa, 2016, p. 2-10) the tragic demise of anti-apartheid activist Steve Biko due to police brutality (Modiri 2017:124,127,129,212), and the detestable executions and torture meted out to members and leaders of organisations engaged in resistance against apartheid, notably at the infamous Vlakplaas (Magaisa 2021, p. 1). These incidents underscore the complicity of the South African security forces in perpetuating violence against black individuals and communities.

The black freedom fighters’ response to opposition against apartheid consistently manifested as a militarised and, consequently, violent approach (South African History Online. n.d, p. 1). The Soweto uprisings serve as a poignant example wherein state-sanctioned violence was either explicitly authorised by law or operated within a legal framework devoid of effective constraints (Cock 1988, p. 103). The deployment of military force as a response to anti-apartheid sentiments underscores a systemic pattern wherein the state wielded violence as a tool to suppress dissent and maintain the apartheid regime (South African History Online. n.d, p. 1).

To recapitulate, the apartheid regime not only engendered post-apartheid economic disparity through still ongoing racial classification (Hoogeveen and Özler 2005, p. 2-4) but also fomented a culture of state-sponsored violence (Pillay 2008, p. 141-145). This symbiotic relationship between systemic oppression, economic marginalisation, and state violence has left an indelible mark on the South African social landscape, necessitating ongoing examination and redress of historical injustices to pave the way for a more equitable and just society.

Kelly Hatfield (2009, p. 1), head of People Opposing Women Abuse, says:

I think that South Africa as a country has had an incredibly violent past. I think, the way people have communicated in South Africa in the previous dispensation – and even now – was with the language of violence … and, I think, children have grown up in that kind of society. They’ve seen their parents behave in particularly violent ways toward each other and toward others, and have probably learned behaviors consistent with that. (Hatfield 2009, p. 1)

The repercussions of apartheid persist, with many families and communities continuing to contend with the enduring scourge of poverty as a direct consequence of this historical injustice. The socio-economic disparities are vividly illustrated in Dis Ek, Anna, notably through the depiction of Anna’s affluent neighbourhood characterised by well-lit streets and expansive middle-class residences. The Bruwer family’s dwelling is emblematic of this affluence, featuring a sophisticated family home replete with a spacious front garden, a car ramp, a rear garden, a pool, generously proportioned bedrooms, and an array of amenities including running water, electricity, and sanitation facilities.

Conversely, the depiction of the community outside Bloemfontein suggests a contrasting reality akin to a township. Blecher exploits an aerial perspective to underscore the modest scale of houses constructed with corrugated iron, often incomplete and densely clustered. A frontal shot, featuring Detective Webber’s vehicle parked within this community, reveals a road noticeably less maintained than the well-kept thoroughfares in Anna’s neighbourhood. The Draghoender family’s residence, in stark contrast to the Bruwers’, comprises merely three rooms—a kitchen, a living room, and a bedroom—underscoring the limited resources and constrained living conditions within this socio-economically disadvantaged setting.

The contemporary socio-political landscape, marked by economic instability (Klassen 1997, p. 51-53), pervasive corruption (Erasmus 2021, p. 1), and elevated levels of violence (du Toit 1993, p. 25-28), further compounds the challenges faced by these communities. Notably, women and girls emerge as particularly vulnerable cohorts, bearing the brunt of violence that can be attributed to deeply ingrained gender disparities and a prevailing culture of patriarchy, underscored by the exertion of sexual power over females (Bridger and Hazan 2022, p. 286-287). The case of Crystal, subjected to rape and murder at an early age, stands as a stark illustration of the manifestation of sexual power over the most powerless members of society, exemplified in this instance by an infant girl. This reprehensible act underscores the persistence of power imbalances, spotlighting the urgent need for societal introspection and systemic interventions to dismantle entrenched structures of oppression. The exploitation of the vulnerable, symbolised by the rape of a baby girl, serves as a poignant reminder of the enduring impact of historical injustices and the imperative to address contemporary challenges to safeguard the dignity and well-being of all members of society.

In the latter part of 2001, the South African Parliament engaged in a discourse titled Alarming Incidence of Child Rape (Mail and Guardian 2001, p. 1). During this deliberation, the then Deputy President, Jacob Zuma, attributed the prevailing cultural violence in South Africa to the historical legacy of apartheid. Zuma contended that the apartheid era had bequeathed a profound disruption to the familial structure within the nation. He articulated the view that apartheid’s deleterious impact extended to all facets of society, affecting both its perpetrators and victims, as well as those who gained from the system. Zuma highlighted the migrant labour system and homelands as instruments through which apartheid instigated the deterioration of the family institution. The resultant breakdown of moral values, he asserted, manifested across diverse societal layers circumscribe the affluent and indigent, urban and rural dwellers, individuals of different racial backgrounds, and both the young and the elderly. Zuma contextualised that child and infant sexual abuse and violence as indicative of this overarching societal degeneration. With Baby Tshepang’s rape in 2001 he asserted that “Apartheid left a legacy of breakdown of the moral fabric of our society. Apartheid sowed the seeds of the breakdown of the family. The molestation of children is a symptom of this degeneration,” whereas his then official opposition Democratic Alliance’s Paul Swartz uttered “face South Africa, look the nation in the eye and stop the most hellish manifestation of a society rotten to the core.” (Mail and Guardian 2001, p. 1).

3. Reporting CSA

Chinnian and Petersen (2020, p. 135) argues that gender inequality, male hegemony, and entrenched power imbalances within patriarchal structures contribute significantly to the prevalence of sexual offenses and the subsequent low conviction rates within the criminal justice system. This environment fails to offer a secure platform for victims/survivors to articulate their experiences of sexual violence. Sexual Offences Courts, with their victim-centred approach, plays a crucial role in addressing these shortcomings. However, Chinnian et al (2020, p. 135) further contend that the closure of these courts has adverse effects on the pursuit of social justice and the protection of constitutional rights for complainants in cases of sexual offenses.

CSA and rape are deeply distressing crimes that can have profound and lasting effects on victims (Haskell and Randall 2019, p. 8). In South Africa, as in many other countries, survivors often face numerous challenges when interacting with the justice system (Iyer and Ndlovu 2012, p. 73). It’s important to note that these issues are not unique to South Africa and can be observed in various parts of the world. This section provides detailed insights into some of the challenges and adverse experiences.

A critical flaw within South Africa’s justice system concerning sexual offences lies in the significant issue of delayed justice (Iyer and Ndlovu 2012, p. 73). Regarding the duration of the process, legal proceedings can vary in length. Factors such as the complexity of the case, court backlog, and the legal strategies employed can influence the timeline, especially during the waiting periods (Parker 2006, p. 50-52). It is crucial to identify that the legal process can be traumatic for a child. It is said that the South African legal system is increasingly sensitive to the needs of child victims, and efforts are made to minimise trauma. However, the emotional impact depends on various factors, and ongoing support and counselling are essential to help the child cope with the aftermath (Parker 2006, p. 55-56). Nevertheless, the Optimus Study contends that the incidence of sexual molestation of minors in South Africa surpasses global benchmarks, reflecting an alarming trend in the victimisation of children (Children’s Institute 2019, p. 1). The cumulative effect of these statistics not only signals a serious societal issue but also underscores the imperative for concerted efforts in policy, law enforcement, and community engagement to address the pervasive and deeply entrenched challenges surrounding CSA in South Africa. However, delays in investigations, court proceedings, and sentencing can contribute to additional trauma for survivors, who may have to endure a lengthy and emotionally taxing process.

Insufficient support services represent yet another shortcoming within the justice system (Ngubane 2022, p. 30). Limited resources and support services for survivors, including counselling and mental health assistance, can hinder the recovery process (Slemaker, Mundey, Taylor, Beasley and Silovsky 2021, p. 2). Adequate support is crucial for survivors to cope with the emotional and psychological impact of the abuse. Lack of sensitivity is also a factor that can traumatise the child victim (UNICEF 2012, p. 24-26). Some survivors report insensitive treatment by law enforcement officials, medical professionals, and legal personnel. A lack of understanding and empathy can retraumatise survivors and discourage them from pursuing justice (Parker 2006, p. 40-43).

Many CSA victims from underprivileged communities struggle with inadequate legal protection (Stevens 2016, p. 18,19). Legal frameworks may be insufficient in providing protection for victims, and there may be gaps or loopholes that hinder effective prosecution of perpetrators (Parker 2006, p. 3-8). This can contribute to a perception of impunity and further discourage reporting (Ngubane 2022, p. 42). Child rape represents a complex phenomenon within the purview of investigation, marked by inherent difficulties in prevention. The pervasive social stigma and barriers and misunderstandings in the reporting system, contribute to victims’ hesitation in reporting their experiences (Flaherty 2007, p. 349-356). The nature of the abuse engenders a profound hesitancy in individuals to disclose repeated violations, constituting a deeply distressing and embarrassing ordeal (Yesefu 2020, p. 137). The familial context compounds the challenge, particularly when close family members or relatives perpetrate the abuse (The National Traumatic Stress Network 2009, p. 1-2). The enduring stigma surrounding child rape not only shields perpetrators, allowing them to act with impunity, but is also perpetuated by an environment considered by ineffective investigative procedures within the legal system and a prevailing culture of silence maintained by members of the community (Yesefu 2020, p. 137). Hence, if a survivor opts to report an incident and encounters a reporting system characterised by complexities, loopholes, and trauma, there exists a substantial risk of deterrence, potentially impeding further pursuit of the reporting process.

Survivors also encounter challenges in facilitating the legal prosecution of their perpetrators (Parker 2006, p. 43-52). Compounding the gravity of the situation is the disheartening legal outcome, with only 21% of defendants charged with child rape and one in three charged with child murder successfully prosecuted (Children’s Institute 2019, p. 1). In South Africa, the legal process for a child to accuse a sexual offender and pursue justice involves a set of procedures and systems. The last mentioned are designed to prioritise the well-being of the child such as the introduction of the Constitution which played a crucial role in the substantial transformation of criminal law related to sexual offenses. This evolution culminated in the enactment and commencement of the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences and Related Matters) Amendment Act (SORMA) (Stevens 2016, p. 2). However, it is essential to acknowledge that legal processes can be challenging and emotionally taxing, potentially causing trauma to the child. Even though SORMA is in place, it is not a perfect system (Stevens 2016, p. 24,25). Another element that might also restrict the child from reporting a case of child sexual abuse case are instances of corruption within the justice system which undermine the credibility of investigations and court proceedings, leading to a lack of trust in the system’s ability to deliver justice (Van Niekerk. n.d, p. 1-6).

Several studies suggest that children who are victims of sexual offenses may encounter secondary victimisation during the process of seeking assistance from law enforcement, criminal justice officials in court settings, and correctional services (Ngubane 2022, p. 29). Hence, navigating the legal complexities and societal challenges, seeking justice becomes a daunting and intricate journey for survivors like Anna’s sister who was still a minor when she was sexually abused and raped by Danie. Instead of opting to report her abuse to authorities, she chose to confide in her older sister, Anna. A sexual offence inflicts trauma upon the child victim, necessitating the intervention of proficient criminal justice professionals or dedicated volunteers. The fundamental premise lies in the absence of the child’s consent to the act, compounded by the child’s limited maturity to fully grasp the ramifications of a sexual assault (Ngubane 2022, p. 30). Consequently, it is imperative that these children be cognisant of the fact that they are accorded the respect commensurate with their inherent dignity and rights (United Nations 1985, p. 1).

Consequently, the legal proceedings surrounding such offences exacerbate the traumatic impact on the child, as the familiarity with the perpetrators intensifies the distressing nature of the court experience (Schudson 1987, p. 120-122). It is crucial to distinguish that the repercussions of sexual abuse on a child extend beyond the immediate incident, exerting deleterious effects on the child’s developmental trajectory, behavioural patterns, and overall perception of their environment, collectively characterised as trauma (Jonker and Swanzen 2007, p. 99). It is strongly recommended to promptly report instances of crime (McQuoid-Mason 2011, p. 1). Upon reporting, a legal case will be initiated, and a dedicated detective will be assigned to conduct comprehensive investigations (Ngubane 2022, p. 30). Specifically, in cases of sexual assault involving child victims, the matter falls under the view of a specialised detective within the Family Violence, Child Protection, and Sexual Offences (FCS) unit, established by the South African Police Service (SAPS) in 1995 (SAPS 1995, p. 1). Subsequently, the case progresses to involve a medical practitioner to secure essential physical evidence (Ngubane 2022, p. 30). However, there may be occasional delays before the case proceeds to court (Ngubane 2022, p. 30). In some cases, (Lamb, Mathews, Govender, Ward, Boonzaier, Artz, Meer, Dawes and Jamieson 2016, p. 96) victims of sexual offense and violence not only contend with the direct adverse effects of the incident, constituting primary victimisation (Lamb et al 2016, p. 96). They also frequently encounter additional deleterious consequences arising from their interactions with the criminal justice and associated systems. To illustrate, a child subjected to sexual assault may undergo a form of “second rape” when compelled to disclose the incident in an inadequately private setting, such as an open area within a charge office (Ngubane 2022, p. 31).

To worsen the plight of CSA survivors who pursued legal action against their perpetrators, Correctional Services plays a pivotal role in the post-conviction phase, wherein individuals found guilty of criminal offenses, particularly sexual offenses, are entrusted for both incarceration and rehabilitation. This involvement signifies the culmination of an integrated process aimed at preventing recidivism (UNODC 2018, p. 3). Consequently, the effective rehabilitation of offenders and their subsequent seamless reintegration into society assumes paramount significance within the foundational objectives of criminal justice systems (Hansungule 2014, p. 28). A noteworthy benchmark for the success of social reintegration programs (UNODC 2018, p. 3) lies in the reduction of criminal recidivism. The rehabilitation process serves to rectify the behavioural tendencies of offenders, equipping them with the necessary tools to address and amend their prior misconduct (South African Government. n.d, p. 1-108). To achieve this goal, chaplains, psychologists, and social workers collaborate synergistically to provide comprehensive support, fostering an environment conducive to preventing the recurrence of offenses. The experience of trauma for child sexual abuse victims and rape victims can be exacerbated when their abusers undergo rehabilitation since victims may perceive rehabilitation as a form of leniency or a less severe consequence for the abuser. This can create a sense of injustice, as survivors may feel that the punishment does not adequately match the gravity of the harm they endured (UNODC 2018, p. 3). The child may fear that rehabilitation does not guarantee a complete cessation of harmful behaviour. The possibility of the abuser re-entering society after rehabilitation can evoke anxiety, as survivors worry about the potential for a recurrence of abuse. The rehabilitation process, if not conducted sensitively, can inadvertently revictimise survivors. For instance, if the rehabilitation programs lack a victim-centred approach, the focus on the offender’s recovery may overshadow the needs and experiences of the victim.

Anna and Mr Draghoender knew the hurdles in the justice system. Emphasis in Dis ek, Anna, is placed on seeking justice in the shadows through vigilantism for herself and for her sister, when she is arrested for Danie’s murder. Anna pleads that he subjected her to sustained CSA and raped her for years on end, thereby offering a rationale for her act of murdering him. Anna’s legal process is complex and time-consuming. She faces bureaucratic hurdles, delays, and procedural requirements that contributes to the difficulty of obtaining a timely court ruling. Accusing Danie of abuse without him being present to defend himself poses a challenge. In legal proceedings, the absence of the accused can complicate the presentation of evidence and counterarguments, impacting the overall fairness of the process. Legal systems generally operate on the principle of “innocent until proven guilty”. However, accusations of abuse can create a presumption of guilt, which made it challenging for Anna to convince authorities that her case warrants a positive ruling. Without concrete evidence or trustworthy witnesses to support Anna’s accusations, the legal system may struggle to establish a strong case for her ruling. The absence of corroborating evidence also hindered her efforts to convince the authorities of the validity of her claims; however, testing the DNA of the child she had with Danie when she was 16, served as such evidence. Anna’s mental health, particularly if she is dealing with trauma related to the abuse, can impact her ability to navigate the legal process effectively. The legal system may not always be equipped to address the psychological challenges faced by survivors. This is evident in the way the court psychologist handles her. Her regular sessions with the court psychologist are consistently adversarial, manifesting a negative and biased tone. It appears as though the psychologist sought to establish a narrative that cast doubt on the veracity of her account, insinuating that her recollections are fabricated or mere products of imagination.

Anna and Mr Draghoender seek justice in the shadows since they are aware of the difficulties and restraints of the South African justice system. Blecher often fleetingly use ambient sounds to establish the mood and atmosphere of the revenge scenes. Within the cinematic realm of Dis Ek, Anna, Blecher’s deliberate application of darkness in the climactic act where Anna confronts and addresses her assailant stands as a purposeful directorial decision. This meticulous application of visual elements not only aligns seamlessly with the director’s artistic intent but also serves to intensify the emotional reverberation sought within the film’s narrative. The scene, bathed in shadows and muted tones, emerges as a visual manifestation of the profound despair and emotional gravitas characterising the weighty thematic contours of the narrative.

In this pivotal moment, Anna evenly utters the words “Dis ek, Anna” (“It’s me, Anna”), initiating a sequence where the deliberate use of dark lighting becomes a crucial cinematic device. The subsequent few shots, punctuated by restrained gunfire, underscore the gravity of the confrontation. Blecher masterfully employs the same dark lighting technique later in the film during a vigilante action led by Crystal’s father. However, the atmospheric ambiance in this instance takes on a violent tenor, altering the narrative pacing as Mr Draghoender, under the cloak of neutral and dark lighting, acquires a murder weapon and traverses the coloured community’s streets with an aggressive demeanour. The response of the community, marked by the symbolic act of people locking their doors, further accentuates the tension within the scene. The neutral and dark lighting employed here serves to underscore the internal struggles, conflicts, and sorrows faced by Mr Draghoender, offering visual cues to the audience about his emotional state and significantly contributing to his character development.

The juxtaposition of Anna’s insecure confrontation and Crystal’s father’s forceful vigilante action, both framed within the chiaroscuro of darkness, serves as a nuanced exploration of the diverse emotional landscapes within the film. While Anna’s encounter is laden with a grave despair, Crystal’s father’s pursuit of justice is marked by a volatile atmosphere, vividly depicted through the visual language of shadows and muted tones.

This intentional application of dark imagery transcends the realm of cinematographic technique; it metamorphoses into a potent expressive tool, creating a mood laden with the weight of the narrative’s solemn undertones. The interplay of shadows and muted tones not only immerses the viewer within the emotional complexities of the characters but also operates as a visual metaphor, articulating the profound intricacies inherent in the overarching themes of taking justice in one’s own hands. It is through this deliberate use of visual chiaroscuro that Blecher achieves a heightened emotional impact, elevating Dis Ek, Anna beyond mere visual and storytelling into a realm of searching for justice beyond the system.

4. Vigilantism

In 2019, a man from Ivory Park near Johannesburg was accused of participating in a gang rape of two young girls. As a result, he was violently assaulted, his testicles were brutally removed and he was beaten to death by a mob of angry, vigilante community members who chose to take the law into their own hands (Tiplady-Bishop 2019, p. 1). Vigilante action is a problematic reality in South Africa and in July 2021 it was reported that almost 300 people were killed in the first three months of the year in attacks where people or communities took the law into their own hands (Makhetha 2021, p. 1). One of these cases refers to the necklace murders of nine suspected criminals in Zandspruit. Community members claimed that they were encouraged to assault the victims as they could be held responsible for an epidemic series of crimes in the township. The community criticised the police as they were ignored when they reported criminal activities (Makhetha 2021, p. 1). In another case in 2020, Nomalanga Tshuma (2020, p. 1) reported in Cape Argus that community leaders from Kraaifontein, Cape Town, warned of a vigilante attack on five suspected rapists accused of raping a sixteen-year-old girl. These are just a few examples of vigilante action in South Africa.

Les Johnston (1996) defines vigilantism as a social phenomenon characterised by the deliberate use or threat of force by independent citizens. Specifically, Johnston articulates vigilantism as, “[A] social movement giving rise to premeditated acts of force – or threatened force – by autonomous citizens… [and] as a reaction to the transgression of institutionalized norms.” (1996, p. 220). This conceptualisation underscores the vigilante’s deviation from established legal and institutional frameworks, positioning vigilantism as a form of extrajudicial justice-seeking.

Building on Johnston’s framework, Mary Nel’s (2016) research, presented in her thesis titled Crime as Punishment: A Legal Perspective on Vigilantism in South Africa, delves into the motivations behind vigilante actions. Nel (2016, p. 10) contends that vigilante efforts are often driven by a pursuit of justice or a desire to rectify perceived injustices. This perspective situates vigilantism as a response to perceived failures or shortcomings in the formal legal system, where individuals or groups take it upon themselves to address grievances or enforce what they perceive as rightful punishment.

Anthony Botha (2015) contributes to the discourse on vigilantism by characterising it as a manifestation of unorthodox collective actions within a community. According to Botha (2015, p. 17), vigilantism reflects a departure from conventional norms and practices, emphasising the unconventional nature of community-driven responses to perceived threats or transgressions. This characterisation aligns with the idea that vigilantism often emerges in response to a perceived breakdown in established norms and institutionalised avenues for addressing wrongdoing.

In summary, vigilantism, as described by Johnston, Nel, and Botha, encapsulates a social movement where autonomous citizens engage in premeditated acts of force outside established legal frameworks. Nel’s emphasis on justice-seeking motives further illuminates the underlying motivations, portraying vigilantism as a response to perceived injustices. Botha’s characterisation of vigilantism as unorthodox community actions reinforces the unconventional nature of these collective aims, highlighting their departure from established societal norms. Together, these perspectives contribute to a nuanced understanding of vigilantism as a complex and multifaceted social phenomenon.

This article strives to examine vigilantism as an unlawful manifestation of immediate justice within communities. The examination elucidates the socio-cultural, psychological, and criminological factors contributing to the emergence and persistence of vigilantism. A comprehensive analysis aims to discern the underlying motivations and consequences associated with this illicit practice. The exploration of the multifaceted nature of vigilantism, probes the sociological underpinnings that propel individuals towards such extrajudicial actions.

Vigilantism involves the extrajudicial pursuit of justice by a group of community members or individuals, a practice that finds its roots in the complex dynamics of both individuals and groups within societies (Bruce and Komane 1999, p. 2). Vigilantism, as defined by Bruce and Komane (1999, p. 2), denotes an illegal and unauthorised pursuit of justice carried out by a collective of community members or individuals. This phenomenon is deeply embedded in the intricate social fabric, reflecting the dynamics of the individuals and groups constituting communities. The urgency to mete out immediate justice is a distinctive characteristic of vigilantism, setting it apart from formal legal processes (Wilke 2023, p. 1).

In South Africa, vigilantism takes place to stop and prevent the established power of criminals (Swanepoel 2008, p. 69-71), and it occurs when an individual or crowd takes the law into their own hands to do justice. Gangs and vigilante mobs mostly occur in South African impoverished areas where, as a rule, there is little or no law enforcement (Martin 2012, p. 218). Ad hoc vigilante groups consisting of hundreds of individuals, operate with relative freedom in impoverished, crime-ridden areas across South Africa to punish alleged criminals with violent justice (Martin 2010, p. 53-70). This is done through assault with weapons such as stones, sjamboks and fuel, which is used to set suspected criminals on fire. This is seen by many as a form of maintaining law and order and enforcing patriarchal respect in poor townships (Harris 2001, p. 1-102). The crowd is driven by emotions and a common goal to punish suspected perpetrators with brutal violence. Vigilante actions often escalate quickly and are mostly emotionally charged and spontaneous (Buur and Jensen 2004, p. 34). It is essential to note that vigilantism is not condoned by legal systems as it can lead to serious consequences, including violence and human rights abuses (Madieyane 2013, p. 16, 17, 21, 24-25).

When it comes to CSA in South Africa or any other country, group vigilantism can manifest in various ways. Vigilantism might involve community members or groups taking action against individuals suspected of committing child sexual abuse (Clark and Swingler 2018, p. 1).

The potential formation of a vigilante mob in response to CSA is evident in the context of the film Dis ek, Anna. Upon his arrival at the crime scene in the film, pertaining to the murder of Crystal, Detective Webber is met with an agitated assemblage of individuals. Upon exiting the residence of the Draghoender family, Detective Webber encounters an irate mob of community members brandishing sticks, congregating around the site of the abhorrent incident. Simultaneously addressing Detective Webber, the crowd levels accusations against a female member of the community who was entrusted with the care of baby Crystal. They guide Detective Webber to her for further inquiry. Manifesting aggression when met with her reluctance to cooperate, the crowd vociferously implores her to speak. Ultimately, the woman concedes, tearfully revealing that her cousin perpetrated the monstruous act, eliciting heightened expressions of displeasure from the incensed crowd. Blecher employs claustrophobic effects as a strategic means to effectively convey the heightened intensity and emotional resonance within the scene. This is achieved through the strategic incorporation of ambient sounds emanating from the crowd, including shouts and various other noises, thereby contributing to the cultivation of a palpably tense atmosphere. The deliberate deployment of quick cuts and a brisk editing pace serves to authentically replicate the chaotic nature inherent to the situation under scrutiny. By adeptly transitioning between disparate shots at a rapid pace, Blecher skilfully induces a sense of disorientation among the audience, intensifying the overall impact of the depicted scenario.

Furthermore, Blecher judiciously integrates wide shots into the cinematographic description, purposefully leveraging this technique to establish the expansive scale of the assembled mob and underscore the sheer magnitude of individuals involved. Complementing this, dynamic camera movements, notably tracking shots that fluidly trace the movements of the crowd, are strategically employed to further immerse the viewer in the tumultuous atmosphere. Additionally, the discerning application of colour grading serves as a pivotal tool in crafting a visually arresting and profoundly intense ambiance that effectively enhances the disoriented nature permeating the depiction of the enraged mob. In concert, these cinematic elements collectively contribute to the nuanced construction of an atmospherically charged portrayal of the tumultuous and disordered assembly of a nearly forming vigilante mob.

Vigilante groups may coalesce in response to CSA through a particular avenue such as local communities organising themselves to identify and confront individuals believed to be involved in CSA (Parliamentary Monitoring Group. n.d, p. 1). In extreme cases, vigilantism can escalate to violence, with community members physically harming or even killing individuals accused of CSA (Makhetha 2021, p. 1). This can result in a breakdown of law and order and further victimisation of the accused, who may not have had an opportunity to defend themselves as they have a right in a court of law (Nkukwana 2016, p. 1-2). Vigilante efforts may extend to social media, where individuals accused of CSA are publicly accused and condemned without due legal process. In the instance of the Daemon Hunter vigilante[1], who focused on ‘Peter in Staffordshire’, the chosen slogan was “Public against paedos.” (Booth 2013, p. 1). This can lead to a form of online vigilantism, with potentially severe consequences for the accused and their families. The emergence of online vigilantism represents a contemporary phenomenon intricately linked to instances of CSA. In response to perceived inadequacies in law enforcement resources dedicated to combating online grooming, two survivors of child abuse have undertaken the role of internet vigilantes (Booth 2015, p. 1). Frustrated by what they perceive as a deficiency in police capabilities, these individuals have adopted the guise of 13- and 14-year-old girls within Facebook groups and chatrooms. Their objective is to orchestrate stings targeting individuals seeking sexual encounters with minors. Operating under the collective identity of Paedophile Hunters London, these vigilantes, identified as Jay (29) and JB (36), have achieved a conviction, and have instigated legal proceedings against six additional men. The convictions range from attempted sexual assault to acts indicative of rape. Jay describes the stings as a form of personal therapy, emphasising the prevention of others experiencing the trauma he endured. JB, also a survivor of child abuse, underscores the motivation to spare children from suffering similar atrocities, stressing a moral obligation to intervene in potential cases of child rape, torture, or murder. Expressing dissatisfaction with what they perceive as insufficient funding and cuts in resources dedicated to combatting CSA, the vigilantes assert their actions as a response to a societal failure to address this reprehensible crime adequately. They contend that their undertakings should not be incumbent upon the public but underscore the imperative nature of their intervention where law enforcement and authorities fall short. The vigilantes contend that their actions, while unconventional, serve as a necessary stopgap to prevent further harm in instances where official channels prove ineffective (Booth 2015, p. 1). While the intention behind such actions may be to protect children and seek justice (De Boeck, Jannsen, Blok, Uzieblo, Prescott and McCartan 2021, p. 1), it is crucial to emphasise the importance of following legal procedures. Vigilantism can result in serious human rights abuses, contribute to a culture of violence, and undermine the principles of a fair and just legal system. To address issues related to CSA, it is essential for communities to work within the existing legal framework, report suspicions to law enforcement, and support victims through appropriate channels (Hendricks 2014, p. 2-3). This includes fostering a culture where survivors feel safe coming forward and where the justice system is effective in investigating and prosecuting offenders.

Similar to group vigilantism, individual vigilantism is also prevalent in South Africa. In the film, Anna’s vigilantism is framed within the context of her personal trauma, compelling her to take direct action opposed to the individual who harmed her and her younger sister. In contrast, the father of Crystal grapples with the violation perpetrated against his infant daughter. The film thus juxtaposes the individual empowerment sought by Anna with the paternal instinct to protect and avenge within the brown community, illustrating how vigilantism emerges as a response to personal and communal trauma. Moreover, the inclusion of the father’s narrative expands the film’s scope, offering a poignant commentary on the intersectionality of injustice and its impact on diverse communities. By portraying the father’s vigilante act as a reaction to the victimisation of a baby girl, the film transcends individual narratives to explore the broader implications of violence within marginalised communities, thereby contributing to a nuanced understanding of the societal dynamics at play. Through Anna and Mr Draghoender, the film not only investigates the personal journeys of two individuals wresting with trauma but also provides a lens through which to examine the broader societal implications of vigilante responses within distinct cultural contexts. In doing so, Dis ek, Anna presents a layered and thought-provoking portrayal of vigilantism that transcends individual characters, weaving together a narrative that resonates with both personal and communal dimensions of justice and retribution. The portrayal of vigilante justice in this context prompts reflection on the complexities surrounding the concept, offering both chronicle tension and ethical quandaries. Anna and Mr Draghoender’s journeys are those of vengeance and seeking justice outside the formal legal system. Frustrated with the lack of support and the shortcomings of the legal system, both become vigilantes, determined to make those responsible for their trauma pay for their actions. This raises questions about morality, justice, and the effectiveness of the legal system in addressing issues such as child sexual assault.

4.1 Vigilantism: apartheid’s effect on post-apartheid operations

The phenomenon of vigilante violence in South Africa is multifaceted, as delineated by the scholarly works of Harris (2012) and Pieterse (2019). Harris underscores that the manifestation of vigilante violence frequently stems from the inadequacies prevalent in the policing infrastructure, confined by issues of incompetence, corruption, collusion between law enforcement and criminal elements, and systemic deficiencies within the criminal justice apparatus (Harris, 2012, p. 4). Concurrently, the remnants of apartheid further contribute to the genesis of vigilantism, whereby the historical legacy of mistrust and anxiety toward the criminal justice system persists within the collective consciousness of the South African populace (Pieterse, 2019, p. 1).

A pivotal determinant in the surge of vigilantism lies in the perceived ineffectuality of traditional policing mechanisms (Martin 2012, p. 224). Martin’s (2012, p. 224) assertion in the paragraph above posits that the dearth of robust law enforcement creates a void, wherein vigilantism becomes a perceived necessity for community safety and order. Such a paradigm shift is not solely rooted in the negligence or incompetence of law enforcement agencies but is exacerbated by instances of corruption and collusion that compromise the integrity of policing efforts (Martin 2012, p. 219).

Moreover, the historical backdrop of apartheid fosters an environment wherein vigilante actions are not only condoned (Häefele. n.d, p. 14) but, in some instances, endorsed by the community. Von Schnitzler, Ditlhage, Kgalema, Maepa, Mofokeng and Pigou (2001, p. 7) explicates that the legacy of apartheid engenders a profound mistrust in the formal criminal justice system. It compelled individuals and communities to seek alternative means of justice and protection. This palpable skepticism toward established institutions serves as a catalyst for the organic growth of vigilantism, as communities perceive self-help measures as the more efficacious recourse in the absence of a trustworthy and impartial legal framework (Tanbeke 2009, p. 245).

Thus, the roots of vigilante violence in South Africa extend beyond the immediate inadequacies of contemporary policing, intertwining with the enduring repercussions of apartheid (Harris 2001, p. 1,4,5). The coalescence of ineffective law enforcement and historical distrust of formal justice mechanisms symbiotically contributes to the proliferation of vigilante actions (Cupido 2021, p. 117-118) underscoring the imperative need for comprehensive reforms in both the criminal justice system and societal perceptions to mitigate this deleterious trend.

There exists a prevailing perception within the South African informal community that underscores a widespread dissatisfaction with the efficacy, dependability, and integrity of the current SAPS (Cupido 2021, p. 84-85). As articulated earlier, the SAPS’s perceived inadequacies manifest in its inability to effectively deal with the magnitude and intensity of criminal activities, prompting disillusioned community members to assume a proactive role in addressing lawlessness (Martin 2012, p. 229). The emergence of vigilantism as a response to perceived deficiencies in the justice system is exemplified by the case of Mandisi Mpengesi in 1997, who resorted to extrajudicial measures by taking the life of his daughter’s alleged rapist, a stark manifestation of the community’s diminishing confidence in the efficacy of the prevailing justice apparatus (Dunn 1998, p. 1).

This recourse to vigilantism draws parallels with fictional portrayals, such as Crystal’s father in Dis ek, Anna, reflecting a disconcerting reality that transcends the confines of fiction. The year 2019 witnessed a notable surge in brutal vigilante murders in Gqeberha (formerly Port Elizabeth), providing a contemporary illustration of the community’s frustration and disillusionment with the SAPS (Churime 2019, p. 1). In one egregious instance, a suspected criminal’s lifeless body was discovered in a state of undress and partial incineration, bearing the unmistakable imprints of severe physical assault. Another victim was found in a stormwater pipe, bound and charred – an ominous testament to the extremities to which vigilantism has escalated.

In response to these escalating concerns and considering the community’s tangible dissatisfaction with law enforcement, the chairman of the Motherwell Community Policing Forum, Nomawethu Jama, offered insights into the systemic challenges confronting the SAPS. Jama acknowledged the deficiencies in staffing and resources within the police force but refuted claims of incompetence, attributing the impediments to successful policing to logistical deficits (Churime 2019, p. 1). This underscores a nuanced perspective that shifts the discourse from individual competence to an acknowledgment of systemic shortcomings within the SAPS, thereby necessitating a comprehensive examination of the structural impediments hindering effective law enforcement.

According to Botha (2015, p. 17), the implementation of the apartheid policy in South Africa, coupled with an ensuing surge in criminal activities, engendered the emergence of alternative, unauthorised methods of self-protection within the community. These practices, however, were not sanctioned by the state. One contributing factor to this phenomenon lies in the allocation of resources within the SAPS, which predominantly focused on the suppression of political unrest, consequently neglecting the imperative realm of community policing (Stevens 2000, p. 45).

A further catalyst for the development of unofficial self-protection mechanisms stems from the incongruence between traditional African legal systems and their Western counterparts. Botha (2015, p. 18) contends that the inherent incompatibility between these legal frameworks hinders the resolution of cultural conflicts in a manner acceptable to the affected communities. The implementation of formal legal systems has, in some instances, given rise to the emergence of organisations such as PAGAD, Mapogo a Mathamaga, and Amadlozi, all of which exhibit a predominant focus on illegal crime control and vigilantism (Cupido 2021, p. 116-117). These groups employ a spectrum of violent methods, often resorting to armed confrontations, assassinations, arson, intimidation, and public beatings to achieve their objectives. The core motivations driving their actions include the unlawful eradication of gangs and criminal activities, the punishment of offenders, and the establishment of a quasi-judicial system for dispute resolution and criminal sentencing. In terms of organisational structure, these groups typically adhere to formal frameworks, often aligning themselves with traditional African societal structures. Members within these organisations frequently hold significant economic, political, or religious influence, contributing to the establishment and consolidation of their authority. This alignment with traditional values underscores the complex interplay between formal legal systems and indigenous cultural norms in shaping the nature and functioning of these illegal crime control entities (Cupido 2021:116-117). Consequently, the existence and activities of such groups pose challenges to conventional legal systems, necessitating a nuanced understanding of the intricate dynamics between formal and informal mechanisms of justice within a given societal context.

However, individuals from economically disadvantaged communities, unable to afford memberships in established vigilantism groups as previously discussed, rely on informal community-based vigilante groups for support and intervention. Testimonies from affected community members further elucidate the underlying causes of this surge in vigilantism. A distraught woman from New Brighton in Gqeberha encapsulated the prevailing sentiment, expressing a collective weariness with criminal activities and a profound loss of faith in the SAPS: “We are tired of these criminals, they force open our doors and rape women and children. Criminals are killing innocent people… We don’t have confidence with the police anymore because they have failed us. They are friends with criminals” (Churime 2019, p. 1).

In the cinematic narrative of Dis ek, Anna, even the character Detective Webber’s initial hesitancy and subsequent adoption of vigilantism underscore his profound disillusionment and lack of trust in the SAPS and the broader legal system. This portrayal serves as a poignant commentary on the perceived inadequacies and shortcomings within these institutions. Detective Webber’s reluctant turn to vigilantism within the film’s framework not only reflects an individual response to systemic challenges but also serves as a pictorial device to highlight the broader societal skepticism and disquietude regarding the efficacy of law enforcement and legal mechanisms in addressing issues of significant societal concern, such as CSA. This cinematic choice contributes to a nuanced exploration of the complex relationship between individual morality, institutional trust, and the pursuit of justice within the South African context, as depicted in the film.

Blecher further adeptly explores the theme of vigilantism, particularly through the poignant portrayal of Mr Draghoender. The film masterfully captures his emotional turmoil, manifesting as despair and anger, as he confronts the profound sense of powerlessness during Detective Webber’s first interrogation at his residence following the tragic death of his infant daughter. The visual portrayal unfolds as Detective Webber discloses, upon a second visit, the hiding place of Crystal’s killler. Within this climactic juncture, the film pokes into the intricate psyche of Detective Webber, revealing an internal struggle that epitomises the multifaceted challenges inherent in the pursuit of justice. The filmmaker skilfully highlights the dilemma faced by Detective Webber as he contemplates the ramifications of apprehending Crystal’s assailant. The transformation of Detective Webber into a co-vigilante within the narrative is emblematic of his profound disillusionment with the inefficacy of the South African justice system. His conviction that Quintin Daniels, a notorious child sexual offender, is beyond redemption leads him to the morally fraught decision that Daniels is better off deceased. The manifestation of Detective Webber’s internal struggle is poignantly captured as he paces within the confines of Mr Draghoender’s living room, a spatial metaphor mirroring his contemplation and inner mayhem.

Notably, Blecher employs cinematographic methods to underscore Detective Webber’s psychological state. The director deliberately applies a point-of-view shot, focusing acutely on a piece of paper bearing the address of Quintin Daniels. The deliberate illumination of this document accentuates the gravity of Detective Webber’s knowledge and intention. The well-lit frame, with its singular focus on the incriminating information, becomes a visual manifestation of the moral crossroads at which Detective Webber stands. It accentuates the significance of his impending actions and the weight of the ethical dilemma he confronts. The use of the point-of-view shot not only intensifies the narrative tension but also invites the audience to share in Detective Webber’s perspective, implicating them in the ethical complexity of his choices. The illuminated address on the paper becomes a symbolic locus of both knowledge and culpability, visually reinforcing the significance of Detective Webber’s decision to assume the role of judge, jury, and executioner.

Vigilantism, as illustrated in Dis ek, Anna’s narrative, unveils a paradoxical dynamic wherein individuals, driven by a desire for justice and retribution, inadvertently entangle themselves in the legal apparatus they sought to bypass. These dynamics underscore the complexity inherent in extra-legal responses to perceived injustices, and the potential transformation of erstwhile victims into perpetrators. The notion of a vigilante justice system, wherein punitive actions beget subsequent legal consequences, prompts questions regarding the moral and ethical ramifications of such aspirations. As such, it is imperative to scrutinise the broader societal implications of vigilantism, recognising it as not merely a one-dimensional pursuit of justice but a multidimensional and recursive phenomenon with far-reaching consequences.

In the depiction of Mr Draghoender’s vigilante murder scene, Blecher adeptly employs a tactical accumulation of actions that culminate in a moment of catharsis. The pivotal sequence unfolds within the confines of Crystal’s father’s barn, where the application of chiaroscuro accentuates the dramatic intensity as he meticulously selects the murder weapon. This deliberate illumination technique underscores the shift from a state of powerlessness to one of empowerment. Consequently, as Mr Draghoender proceeds down the thoroughfare, an aura of invincibility surrounds him. The silence during his seamless passage past the perpetrator’s cousin, further amplifies the pervasive tension. The ensuing entrance into the perpetrator’s abode, while he passes Daniel’s female cousin, shatters the prevailing silence, marking a stark departure from the preceding quietude. The deliberate use of these filmic elements heightens the psychological impact on the audience, effectively engaging them in the unfolding story line.

5. Conclusion

Firstly the enquiry posited that CSA is a pervasive issue transcending global societies. It manifests in diverse forms, including but not limited to physical, sexual, psychological, and economic transgressions. Children, vulnerable and reliant on adults for protection and guidance, frequently find themselves subjected to egregious violations of their human rights, particularly in cases of CSA. This was visually enforced by a cinematic exposition of Dis ek, Anna where an analysis followed explaining the pivotal occurrence of Anna’s initial rape victimisation by her stepfather that transpired at the age of eleven, thereby introducing a profound exploration of trauma within the film’s narrative fabric.

The study advanced the proposition that South Africa exhibits elevated rates of CSA and infant rape, a circumstance rooted in historical antecedents such as apartheid, entrenched patriarchal structures, prevailing socio-economic conditions, and diverse cultural determinants. Within the context of this investigation, cinematographic methodologies and narrative frameworks employed in the film Dis ek, Anna were scrutinised for their interlacing capacities, particularly in the portrayal of scenes involving the demise of the character baby Crystal. The resultant emotional engagement was characterised by sensations of astonishment and regret, which, in turn, underscore the severity and brutality inherent in the circumstances surrounding the character’s abusive environment. Furthermore, the film’s nuanced use of cinematography and narrative interweaving accentuated the intricacies of the prevailing societal issues under examination. The confluence of cinematographic methodologies and narrative constructed in Dis ek, Anna serves as a poignant means to depict and critique the grim realities of child abuse within the South African context. It was explained that the film’s ability to elicit emotive responses of astonishment and regret underscores its effectiveness in conveying the harrowing consequences of societal factors such as patriarchal structures, socio-economic conditions, and cultural determinants, thereby contributing to a nuanced understanding of the complex interplay between cinema and societal dynamics.

The article critically examined the deficiencies within South Africa’s justice system concerning CSA, emphasising issues such as delayed justice, inadequate support services, and insufficient legal protections for victims. The research accentuated the potential trauma experienced by child victims during legal proceedings. Complementing this analysis, Dis ek, Anna was cinimatically inspected. Seeking to portray vigilantism employs meticulous scrutiny of the film’s characters Mr. Draghoender and Anna, who navigated justice in their own hands, cognisant of the challenges inherent in the South African justice system. Within the cinematic framework of Dis Ek, Anna, visual elements aligned as Anna uttered the words “Dis ek, Anna” (“It’s me, Anna”), initiating a sequence wherein the deliberate use of dark lighting becomes a crucial cinematic device as she kills her abuser – a scene which underscores the gravity of the confrontation. This falls in contrast with Mr. Draghoender’s aggressive demeanor when he murdered Crystal’s perpetrator. The film delved into a profound exploration of justice, navigating a trajectory that transcended the confines of established systems. In its narrative quest, the film emerged as a poignant commentary on the pursuit of justice, challenging societal norms and implicating a deeper examination of the limitations inherent in conventional legal frameworks.

Furthermore, the investigation explored vigilantism as a response to the complex issue of CSA, noting the risks of extrajudicial actions leading to violence and a breakdown of legal frameworks. With the provision of research, the study prompted the reader to interrogate the boundaries of legitimacy inherent in the context of vigilantism. In collaboration with the perusal of Dis ek, Anna, it provided thematic exploration which encouraged an academic inquiry into the ethical and legal dimensions of extrajudicial actions depicted within the narrative. It called for an examination of the underlying motivations, moral ambiguities, and societal implications associated with vigilantism formations in South Africa. This section questioned vigilantism ventures through a scholarly discourse on the nuanced relationship between individual agency, societal norms, and the legitimacy of alternative forms of justice.

The film Dis Ek, Anna emerges as a poignant exploration of justice in the context of CSA. Going beyond conventional narratives, the film probes into the shadows, exploring a vigilante response to the pervasive issue. The narrative unfolds as a profound commentary on the limitations of established systems in addressing the trauma inflicted upon victims of CSA. Through its thematic exploration, the film navigates the complex terrain of vigilantism as a response to the failures of traditional justice mechanisms. This academic article encapsulates Dis ek, Anna’s commitment to unraveling the silhouettes surrounding CSA, shedding light on the vigilante pursuit of justice and its implications for societal accountability.

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[1] The Daemon Hunter vigilante is an enigmatic and elusive figure known for actively seeking and confronting individuals engaged in illicit and harmful online activities, particularly those related to child exploitation and CSA. Operating outside conventional legal frameworks, the Daemon Hunter is a digital crusader who exposes perpetrators and advocates for justice, often using unconventional means to unveil and combat online threats to children. This vigilante’s actions reflect a response to perceived shortcomings in traditional law enforcement efforts to address the complex and rapidly evolving landscape of online child exploitation.